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at large, who rejoiced to find that the tribunals entertained just 'notions, of what the high church faction were disposed to do, if it had the power.

We mention but one more of the incidents of this character, to which we alluded. Late in November, 1825, died general Foy, an opposition member of the chamber of deputies, and the most eloquent public speaker in France. His funeral was attended by many thousands of the most eminent citizens of Paris, who, in spite of a heavy rain, followed his remains to the burial ground of Pere la Chaise. Nor did this general and spontaneous tribute to his worth, stand alone. That distinguished man died poor, because he would not sacrifice his principles for the sake of office; and, immediately after his death, a subscription of a million francs was collected for his five children, sufficient to give them competency for life. Thus it was that the nation seized on the circumstance of his death, to raise a noble monument to his memory, and the cause of liberty.

The French chambers assembled, January 30th, for the year 1826. Among the topics touched upon, in the king's speech, the most remarkable was, a change proposed in the law for distributing real estate in descent. On this subject, he said :--

"The progressive subdivision of landed property, essentially contrary to the principle of monarchical government, must weaken the securities, which the charter has given to my throne and my subjects. Means will be proposed to you, to restore the agreement that should exist between the political law and the civil law, and to preserve the patrimony of families, without, however, restricting the liberty of disposing of property. The preservation of families, leads us to expect, and guarantees, political stability, which is the first want of a state, and especially that of France, after so many vicissitudes."

These words contain the substance of the arguments for the measure. Notwithstanding the urgency, with which it was pressed by the ultras, it completely failed. The law of primogeniture, after protracted discussions, was rejected in the chamber of peers, its ablest opponent there, being the ex-minister, Pasquier. They refused to go any farther, than to allow the father to entail a portion of his property. This unexpected result, may be considered as a sacrifice made to public sentiment, and an indication of growing opposition to the policy of the jesuits. Great rejoicings took place on the event at Paris. In spite of the exertions of the police to prevent it, the liberals testified their triumphs, by illumina

tions, which extended into the pro- tions were distributed for the army; vincial towns.

The revenue of France for the financial year of 1827, was stated to be 916,608,734 francs, and its excess over the expenditure, about the same as it was in the preceding year. In the discussions connected with the budget, much warmth was elicited, in respect to the expenses of the military occupation of Spain. Imputations attached to the ministry, in consequence of the disclosure of peculation to a great amount, made by the contractor, Ouvrard, in supplying the French army. The circumstances connected with this affair, deserve to be related.

When the French army reached Bayonne, on their way to Spain, in 1823, the duc d'Angoulême found the men in want of food and clothing, and the horses reduced to the last ration of forage. In this emergency, Ouvrard stepped in, and by his talent and address, preserved the French arms from disgrace. By the free use of money, he effected wonders. Liberally distributing douceurs, he obtained a contract, which, while it saved the troops from starving, gave him an exorbitant price for every ration of bread. The bribery practised here, was not the only ignominious attendant of the expedition. Through an extraordinary system of well planned frauds, double ra

for while 100,000 French troops were paid and fed in Spain, the same allowance for pay continued in France. It was owing to these, among other causes, that the campaign cost France the enormous sum of 397,000,000 of francs.

M. de Villele, on the first report of these shameful frauds, imprisoned M. Ouvrard, who, in revenge, published a volume of "Confessions," narrating his intercourse with Napoleon, and his life, down to the entrance of the French into Tolosa, and threatening, farther, to expose all his confederates in the Spanish expedition, by the publication of a sequel, unless he should be fully acquitted. His trial in the Cour Royale, and the subsequent investigations in the chamber of peers, to whom the Cour Royale referred the matter, produced the deepest sensation. M. de Villele strove in vain to hush up the business; and bitterly repented having so hastily imprisoned M. Ouvrard. The chamber of peers, at length, suffered themselves to be prevailed upon by the ministry, to conclude their investigation of the transaction, as a branch of the government, without convicting the peers implicated in it.

Previous to the close of the year, the foreign relations of the country remained as before, with few exceptions. Of these, we re

cord the treaty of navigation and commerce, concluded between France and Brazil, which conferred on each party, all the privileges of the most favored nation. In thus recognizing the independence of Brazil, the government took care not to compromit its adherence to the principles of legitimacy; for although Pedro had originally revolted, yet his empire being guaranteed by treaty with Portugal, to acknowledge his sovereignty was in nowise encouraging the revolution of the Spanish American republics, with whom France still refused to treat.

Most of the political feeling in France, during the past year, has related to the contest between the jesuits, or high church party, who exercise the national authority, and their opponents, who constitute the great bulk of the people. Occasionally, the excited state of the latter, respecting the subject, produced disorders, one of which occurred at Rouen, in May. The multitude opposed and insulted the priests, who were celebrating the commencement of a mission in the several churches. It became necessary to summon the aid of the gendarmerie to disperse and quell the rioters, after they had exhibited their disrespect for the ceremonies by the most insulting acts. Similar disturbances occurred, on a like occasion, in Lyons, at a later period.

Indeed, the strides of the jesuits toward obtaining control of the government, were now open and visible, and publicly denounced. M. Frayssinous admitted, in the chamber of deputies, that seven colleges were under the exclusive direction of the jesuits. They had also organized a secret society, called the congregation, having for its professed objects, the exercise of piety; but really animated by a settled purpose to restore the reign of bigotry and religious terrorism ; and it already numbered in its body one hundred and eight members of the chamber of deputies. All over the interior of the country, the jesuits were indefatigable in seeking to engross authority, greatly annoying the gentry, but hated most by the small proprietors, who had profited by the sale of church lands during the revolution, to purchase little freeholds, and now dreaded their being reclaimed.

In this irritable state of public feeling, it will readily be perceived how much impression was produced by the count de Montlosier's attack on the jesuits, in his eloquent work, called "Memoire à consulter," on a religious and political system; tending to overthrow religion, society, and the throne. This book is an elaborate denunciation of the high church party. Its influence was the greater,

as the author belonged to the old nobility, and was, in political principles, an ultra-royalist. Had the the work proceeded from any other quarter, its effect would have been less; but the character, station and party of M. de Montlosier, gave it a prodigious political force, which his talent alone, great as it is, could never have communicated. Six thousand copies were sold in the space of a week; and it rapidly ran through several editions.

It was well known, that M. de Villele felt averse, from principle and policy, to going all lengths with the jesuits, although he could not wholly shake off this influence. Of this, he permitted several indications to escape; in the number of which we may reckon the elevation of the virtuous and tolerant abbe de Cheverus, formerly bishop of Boston, to the see of Bordeaux, and the peerage. This appointment greatly offended the jesuits, but was extremely popular in the nation at large. Indeed, the dissensions existing in France, at this time, would seem to carry us back to the days of Louis XV., and the old controversies between the jesuits and jansenists appear to be revived anew in all their bitterness.

Our account of the French would be imperfect, did we omit to mention their prosperous condition as a people, and their elevation and vigor aggregately as a sovereignty.

The revolution, as it swept over the land, called new energies into being. It converted the peasants into small proprietors, freed the tiers etat from oppressive feudal burdens, gave them civil rights, and, in opening to them the career of useful ambition, infused new life into the circulation of the body politic, which before was choked and stagnant under the sickly influences of absolute monarchy, unawed by public opinion, and uninfluenced by principle. A consolidated territory, and a natural character peculiarly quick, sprightly, and intellectual, unite with great resources of domestic industry, to make France powerful under any circumstances. At the present moment, her upper classes are, it is plain, agitated by a contest for ascendancy, between one party bent on maintaining the great doctrines of religious freedom, and of another striving to suppress them. Our sympathies, of course, are with the former, and our feelings adverse to the act of the government, so far as they subserve intolerance in religion, or uphold arbitrary principles in politics. The development, in France, of the new combinations, associated with the Portuguese constitution, must powerfully affect the question, interesting in all civilized countries, whether the cause of liberty shall waver for a while, or fully triumph.

CHAPTER XII.

SPAIN in 1825.-Zea Bermudez-Political condition-Disturbances-Bessieres rebels-Party of Don Carlos--Death of el Empecinado and Iglesias Colombians-Infantado appointed minister-Algerine war -Spain in 1826-Disturbances-J. G. Salmon succeeds Infantado -Proceedings on the Portuguese frontier. PORTUGAL.-Brazil independent-John dies-Constitution and Regency—Incursion from Spain-Chaves-Aid from England.

The mind is inevitably filled with sentiments of deep melancholy in contemplating the recent history of Spain, once so glorious, as well for the chivalrous character of her inhabitants, as for the splendor of her external possessions. She is now stripped of her empire in the new world, and involved in a state of anarchy and misrule, which her worst enemies may pity and deplore. Other countries in Europe, are either teeming with the refinements of modern improve ment, and every where impressed with the march of mind; or else, if destitute of liberal institutions, repose in the tranquillity and order of despotism. But unhappy Spain is deprived of the blessings of a free government, without enjoying even the imperfect equivalent of a vigorous one. Her bravest sons have perished on the scaffold, the martyrs of their patriotism; her wisest are exiles in foreign lands; and the rest are sub

ject to the oppression of a drivelling prince, and a bigoted priesthood. Our sketch of her affairs will, therefore, abound with monitory examples of the deplorable effects of bad political institutions.

The commencement of the year found Spain as far removed from concord and good order, as it was when the French overthrew the constitution. The banishment of Mina, the execution of Riego, had intimidated, without tranquillizing the people.-England, by acknowledging the independence of the American states, appeared to have exting shed for ever the hopes of Spain to regain her empire. Sr. Zea Bermudez, who was placed at the head of the ministry, the last day of the preceding year, entered upon the discharge of his duty in most unpropitious circumstances. His appointment was attributed wholly to the interference of France, whose government were anxious to have Ferdinand try the

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