Nicholas was born in 1796, and educated with care befitting his rank. Storch, the political economist, was his instructor in the science of government. He is accounted of a mild, equable disposition; in this respect exactly resembling Alexander, whose measures and temper he seems desirous to imitate. He has several children, the oldest of whom, Alexander, was born in 1818, and is heir apparent of the Russian empire.

Notwithstanding the deliberate caution, with which Nicholas proceeded previous to ascending the throne, and the reiterated acts of renunciation voluntarily executed, by Constantine; so great a change in the order of succession, was not effected without disturbance and bloodshed.

Opposition to the new emperor, was first exhibited by part of the regiment of Moscow; who, when required to take the oath of allegiance to Nicholas, left their barracks in martial array, proclaiming Constantine. They marched to the square of Isaac, where they were joined by one or two other corps, which increased the number of the seditious to about two thousand men. General Miloradovitch, the . military governor, instantly repaired to the square, and endeavored to reclaim the mutineers, but was shot at and mortally wounded with a pistol. Nicholas also addressed

the rebels himself, but in vain. At length, when night approached, the soldiers persisting in their mutiny, it was found necessary to order up the troops; who soon dispersed the rebels, and killed about two hundred of their number. Tranquillity was quickly restored; and all the rest of the troops in the city, remained faithful to their duty.

Nicholas issued a proclamation, in consequence of this disturbance, to justify the measures of severity adopted. He declared that the mutineers were not actuated by any regard for Constantine. His name was merely a pretext for their disorders. Their object, he affirmed, was long meditated, and matured in darkness; it being no less than to cast down the throne and the laws, and overturn the empire.

A special commission was immediately instituted, consisting of the grand duke Michael, and several high officers of state and the army, to inquire into the causes and extent of the alleged conspiracy.

Numerous arrests followed, chiefly of military officers. One of the orders led to another disturbance, more deliberate and persevering than the first. Lieutenant colonel Mouravieff Apostol, one of the accused, attacked and wounded his colonel, who attempted to arrest him, and instigated six companies of the regiment to revolt, under pretence of fidelity to Con

stantine. After pillaging the military chest, setting free the malefactors imprisoned at Vassilkoff, plundering the town, and committing various other disorders, the insurgents marched towards Bela-Tcherkoff. They were overtaken and attacked by prince Scherbatoff, with a sufficient body of troops, and all who were not killed in the engagement, laid down their arms, and were taken prisoners.

Arrests continued to be made, pending the sittings of the commission; until, at length, their proceedings were concluded and published; from which it appears, that a number of officers, who had served in France and Germany, and imbibed some notions of liberty, but neither sound nor practicable ones, on their return to Russia, established secret societies for the purpose of disseminating their principles. The parent society was called the "Union of Safety." No harmony existed among the different leaders, whose views were utterly at variance. Some proposing a republic, some a constitutional monarchy; and no rational plan of operations had yet been concerted.

The report of the commission on secret societies was made, May 30th; and was directly followed by the appointment of a high court, for the trial of the parties accused. After a laborious examination of

all the evidence, the court convicted one hundred and twenty persons of participating in the conspiracy. They were classed and sentenced, according to the aggravation of their respective offences; five to be drawn and quartered, and the rest to various punishments, from death down to exile and degradation.

By imperial ukase, the proceedings of the court were approved, but all the punishments commuted to less severe ones. Five persons only, were ordered to be executed capitally, and they, simply by hanging, which took place July 25th, 1825. And thus, in the termination of the affair, Nicholas had an opportunity to exercise his clemency, which he did not fail to improve; thereby effacing the memory of scenes and incidents, which threw a gloom over the commencement of his reign.

The rest of the year was occupied with events, both at home and in respect to foreign countries, of a more agreeable nature.

Pursuant to previous arrangements, the coronation of the emperor took place at Moscow, in September, at which, all the great officers of the crown, and the members of the imperial family assisted. Constantine himself, by his presence on the occasion, attracted great attention. On the day of the coronation, Nicholas issued a

manifesto, declaring the succession to the Russian throne, as laid down by the emperor Paul, in 1797, to remain unchanged in principle. The grand duke Michael was also pronounced regent, during the minority of any son of Nicholas; and to him the succession was to devolve, in case the latter died without issue.

Public expectation had long been anticipating a war between Russia and Turkey. The sympathies of the former, it was well known, were strongly excited in favor of the struggling Greeks. Add to this, that Nicholas seemed to need some employment for his great armies, to dispel their discontent and uneasiness. Every journal, therefore, continued to teem with speculations on the probable event; until May, when the Porte announced to all the foreign ministers at Constantinople, the conclusion of a provisional arrangement between the two powers. By instructions from his court, M. de Minziacky, the Russian envoy in Turkey, had presented an ultimatum to the `Porte about a month before, which was now accepted.

Turkey entered into engagements to re-establish the ancient order of things in Wallachia and Moldavia; to release the Servian deputies, imprisoned in 1821, and satisfy the demands of Servia; and

immediately to appoint plenipotentiaries to meet with Russian commissioners, and settle all the points remaining in controversy between the two parties.

Ackermann was designated as the place of conference, where the commissioners met August 6th. After a month's deliberations, the Turkish commissioners signed a convention, providing for executing the treaty of Bucharest, and almost precisely conformable to the original propositions of the emperor of Russia. Pursuant to the last article of it, ratifications were to be exchanged within four weeks, which was accordingly done; the Porte thus acceding, almost unconditionally, to the demands of Alexander and Nicholas. This result was probably hastened in respect to both parties, by their actual situation; the sultan being fully occupied by the reforms in his army, no less than by the Greek war, and Nicholas desiring to concentrate his forces on his Persian frontier. In effect, the treaty gave complete security to the Russian trade in the Black sea, and placed Wallachia, Moldavia, and Servia, under the protection of Russia.

While Russia has been cultivating the relations of peace in Europe, in Asia she is engaged in a war, which promises to extend the boundaries of the Russian empire,

and add to its already excessive magnitude, by new conquests from Persia.

The political condition of Persia is represented as being peculiarly critical. At the death of the reigning shah, Feti Aly, who is advanced in years, numerous aspirants for the throne, threaten to rise and involve the kingdom in civil discord. Its government is notoriously weak and inefficient; its finances are deranged; its king is avaricious; and his subjects are disaffected. Under these circumstances, it would, indeed, be extraordinary, if Persia should attack her powerful neighbor, and involve herself in a war, which may, perhaps, end in removing the greater barrier between Russia and the English possessions in India, an event which is, very justly, much apprehended by the British government. The immediate causes of the war are to be found in the following state of things:

By the treaty of Gulistan, concluded in 1814, Persia ceded to Russia certain provinces in Georgia; agreed to maintain no navy in the Caspian sea; and the boundary line between the two states was defined: while Russia, on her part, agreed, to sustain the heir to the Persian crown against all competitors.

Difficulties, however, attended the adjustment of the business; Russia delaying, under va

rious pretexts, to appoint commissioners to adjust the boundary line; and it was not completed at Alexander's death. In the process of this controversy, we find, under cover of great moderation of professions, on the part of Russia, her sub-governors entirely regardless of the rights of Persia.

In the summer of 1825, M. Mozarovitch, a Russian ambassador, came to the shah's camp, for the purpose of endeavoring to obtain his majesty's ratification, of certain terms agreed upon between Futteh Alle Khan and general Yermoloff, the governor of Georgia, at Teflis; but his majesty distinctly refused his consent to the arrangeIn the autumn of the same year, M. Mozarovitch left Persia; and the government of Georgia, acting on what they called the treaty of Futteh Alle Khan, which they had previously endeavored in vain to induce the shah to ratify, occupied, with a military force, the lands which would have become theirs, had this treaty taken effect.

ment.

One of these portions of land was an uninhabited stripe, called Gokcheh, which borders on the lake of Gokchch or Sevan, and which had been in the undisputed possession of Persia, ever since the conclusion of the peace. Russian picquets had been placed there some years before, to prevent the desertion of their wandering tribes.

who pastured their flocks in summer in its vicinity, and in winter had been regularly withdrawn. To the remonstrance of the prince royal against the military occupation of this part of the Persian territory, general Yermoloff had replied, by admitting the justice of the prince's remarks; but excused himself on the plea, that the measure he had adopted was mutually advantageous, and concluded by offering to withdraw the detachment, if his royal highness should continue to think it necessary.

Yet, after all this, on the strength of an unratified engagement, concluded by the agent of a deputed authority, Russia took permanent possession of this very piece of ground.

As soon as the occupation of Gokcheh was known to the court of Tehran, a respectable envoy was sent to Teflis, to remonstrate against the measure, and to propose that the Russian detachment should be withdrawn, at least until time should be given for an appeal to the justice of the emperor. This was refused; and in answer to the letters which the shah had written to the governor-general of Georgia, he was informed that Gokcheh would be given up by Russia, if the lands of Kapan were immediately evacuated by Persia.

These lands of Kapan had been, from the conclusion of the peace, in 1814, in possession of Persia; but

within a few years, a claim, supported by some weighty arguments, had been set up by Russia, and it remained one of those points, which it would have been the duty of commissioners to decide upon. The claims of Persia were, at least, as well supported as those of Russia; and some of the Russian official maps had marked Kapan as belonging to Persia. It was, therefore, an obvious injustice to seize an undisputed possession of Persia; and to demand, as the price of its evacuation, the abandonment of claims, which were probably just, to another portion of territory.

At this time the death of the emperor Alexander was announced, and the confusion which was caused by the annunciation of Constantine as his successor, and the subsequent abdication of the throne in favor of Nicholas, suspended the discussions.

After the accession of Nicholas, prince Menzikoff was despatched to Persia, to conclude an agree ment, respecting the matters in controversy. But, now the Persian court began to suspect the intentions of Russia; and that she was determined only to consult her own convenience in the settlement of the frontier.

At the same time it was whispered that the tranquillity of the Russian empire had been disturbed; that a civil war was carried on in