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St. Petersburgh; and that the tribes of the Caucasus were already in arms, to assert their independence.

It was known that the misrule of the Russian authorities in Georgia, and their wanton interference with the religious prejudices of their Mahomedan subjects, had produced a feeling of serious discontent. Proposals had even been made to Persia by the heads of the tribes, and chiefs of districts, to co-operate with her in a war against Russia. Letters had been written by the Mahomedan population of all the Russian provinces bordering on Persia, to the head of their religion, imploring his interference in their behalf and he had come from the sanctuary of Kerbelace, expressly to urge the shah to take up arms in defence of his insulted religion. The whole ecclesiastics of Persia joined their leader, and the mosques were filled with persons of all classes, lending a willing ear to the inflammatory orations of their Moollahs; while the shah was threatened with the curses of the faithful, and even with everlasting perdition, if he failed to take up arms in the holy cause.

In the midst of this ferment, prince Menchikoff arrived in the royal camp. He was treated with honor, and even with distinction. Sanguine hopes were entertained that every thing would be satisfactorily arranged; and if there were

some, who, for private ends, wished to hurry Persia into a war, there were many of the most influential of her councillors, who anxiously desired to avoid it. The king himself was of this number; and though he had been induced to give a solemn pledge to the Moollahs; that if Gokcheh was not restored, he would agree to make war upon Russia, because he would then be justified in doing so; still this pledge--which had been exacted from him by the influence of the Moollahs on his inability to withstand their demands--was given under a moral conviction, that the envoy of the emperor would rather relinquish a worthless spot, to which his government had no just claim, than allow the dispute to be decided by the sword.

But, in answer to all demands for the evacuation of Gokcheh, the Russian envoy replied, that he had no instructions regarding it, and was not empowered to agree to its evacuation. It was proposed that it should remain unoccupied by either party, until a reference could be made to the emperor. This he was equally unable to comply with, and he put an end to the discussion, by repeating that his instructions extended to nothing, beyond some trifling modification of the unratified treaty of Futteh Allee Khan.

Those who had been clamorous

for war, now called upon the shah to redeem his pledge, or forfeit his hopes of heaven. The Mahomedans of some of the Russian provinces were already in arms, and even the Christians of at least one of these, had made overtures to Persia. The troops had been excited to enthusiasm by the Moollahs, and the war was commenced by the invasion of the frontier provinces of Russia. At the same time Abba Mirza, the heir presumptive to the crown, issued proclamations inciting the Mahomedan subjects of Russia to revolt, by appealing to their religious prejudices. Russia then formally declared war against Persia, and professed her determination not to lay down arms "until she obtained guarantee for a perfect security for the future, and a just indemnity by an honorable and solid peace."

Several actions have taken place, some of which, may be mentioned. The first important one, was September 12th. The Russians were commanded by prince Madatow; the Persians by Mehmed Mirza ; son of Abbas Mirza, whose forces were completely routed, and driven beyond Elizabeth Pol. At this place, the Russians took possession of the Persian camp, with large magazines of provisions.

Troops were now ordered to be in readiness to join those already engaged in the war; and the Rus.

sians prepared to pursue the Persians to Karabagh. Notwithstanding their late defeat, however, the Persians attacked a Russian detachment on the 25th of September. Abbas Mirza himself, and three of his sons, were present; but their forces sustained defeat, and were pursued, in a disorderly flight, beyond the Araxes. It should be remarked, that prince Menzikoff, after being deceived with representations of the shah's pacific intentions, until his forces had actually invaded Russia, was then imprisoned and detained in confinement twenty-five days, in open violation of the law of nations, as practised in more civilized countries, and of his rights as an embassador. We must not, however, expect from eastern governments, that strict observance of those rights, which civilization exacts from European nations.

At the commencement of the war, the irruption of the Persians was the signal for an insurrection among the Mahometan subjects of Russia in that region. In consequence of this, the Russians were obliged to evacuate several provinces, and the Persians penetrated also a considerable distance towards the Caspian sea. These events occasioned great consternation among the Arminian merchants, whose business was thereby interrupted. But the prompt

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movements of the Russians, quickly changed the face of things, and, as we have already stated, transferred the seat of the war to the Persian territory. While on one hand, the Russian government represented this controversy, as originating in the perfidy and folly of the shah and his advisers; the Persian government lost no time in notifying the European courts, the English particularly, of the propriety of its own conduct, ascribing the origin of the war to Russia.

The Russian army of the Caucasus is under the command of general Yermoloff, an officer of great reputation and talents, who, in that remote region, with an army of 60,000, or, as some say, 80,000 men, is in the possession of great power. His head quarters are at Teflis, the ancient capital of Georgia. His troops are accounted

among the finest in the Russian

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service, consisting, for the most part, of those who accompanied Alexander to Paris. In nearly all the engagements, which have thus far taken place, the Russians have been successful; though the Persians have, in some instances, claimed the victory; and as the numbers of the army can easily be increased from other cantonments, the Persians stand no chance, that we can see, of ultimate success. She must, at last, make peace upon such terms as she can obtain from the moderation of Russia; and as the policy of that power has uniformly pointed to the extension of her frontier, on the side of Persia, it is obvious, that the results of the war will only hasten the period, when the colossal power of the north, and Great Britain, will come in collision, upon the plains of India.

CHAPTER XIV.

GREECE.-Dissensions-Government-Insurrection in the Morea Patras-Preparations of the Egyptians and Turks--Messolunghi invested--Siege of Navarino-Engagements-Splactina taken—and Navarino-Ibrahim advances to Tripolizza-Ulysses-Events at Messolunghi French faction at Napoli-Egyptian fleet, burnt at Modon -The Greek fleet-Hydra threatened--Attempt at Suda-Massacre at Hydra-Attempt at Alexandria.

Long suffering Greece, again resumes a place in the history of nations. The seas, and shores, celebrated in classical song, now attract the attention of mankind, as the theatre of a sacred war, in which the Greeks, no longer conquerors of Asia, are contending for life and liberty, on their own soil. It is a struggle which enlists all the sympathies of civilized man, in favor of those, who profess our own religion, and who possess like tastes with ourselves, and against the inveterate enemies of christianity, of education, of letters, and of political improvement. In relating the vicissitudes of this war, during the

year 1825, we shall confine ourselves to a plain simple statement of the well authenticated facts, of most importance, without indulging our feelings in any observations of a general nature.

The winter preceding the campaign of 1825, was consumed by the Greeks, in disastrous dissen

The

sions, which prevented their accomplishing any important movement in the war. But for this, they might have effected the reduction of Patras, and been prepared to meet their enemies in the spring, with redoubled vigor. Divided by situation, the modern Greeks of Roumelia, of the Morea, and of the islands, are not less the prey of cabals, and factions, than their versatile and restless ancestors. same fickleness of temper; the same thirst of distinctions, which the ancient Athenians indulged, at every hazard; the same indefatigable spirit of intrigue, reigns in the breasts of their descendants; and on the other hand, if the genius, quickness, activity, and patriotism, which also characterized the Greek of olden time, had not survived, through all the reverses of the nation, we should not witness their present glorious struggle for freedom. But their differences, at the period under consideration, were

peculiarly unfortunate; because the emergency demanded the united exertions of all their strength.

injurious preference for the Roumeliots; and hence the probable origin of the subsequent dissensions.

The

Irritated by some alleged strong instances of such partiality, and jealous of not possessing their due influence in the government, the chiefs of the Morea rose in arms, in the autumn of 1824, headed by the celebrated Colocotroni. government exerted itself, with great energy, to suppress this unlucky ebullition of anarchy. Coletti, aided by the Roumeliot generals, Izonga and Goura, marched against the insurgents, and succeeded in reducing them to subjection.

Two of the leaders, Zaimi and Londo, left the Morea, and took refuge in Kalamos; the remainder surrendered to the government; and Colocotroni himself was confined to a monastery among the hills of Hydra.

As then constituted, the government, unfortunately, did not enjoy the unqualified confidence of the people. George Conduriotti, a man of strict honor, and of unshaken integrity, it is true, but of little talent, was president of the executive body, to which station he was exalted in part, to conciliate the Hydriots. He, and his brother, were the most opulent merchants of Hydra, which has acted so noble a part in the revolution. His principal adviser, and secretary of state, Mavrocordato, is variously represented; but although his purity of character is questioned, there can be no doubt of his talents, address, familiarity with politics, and other general qualifications, for his post. Being a Fanariot, and without connections in Greece, he labored under disadvantages, which considerably diminished his usefulness. Of the other four members of the executive body, namely, Botazi, Speliotaki, Mavromichalis, and Coletti, the latter was accounted by far the most clever and intelligent; although his manners, and some measures ascribed to his agency, had procured him the reputation of dangerous ambition. This government, (whether justly or not, is less material,) was accused by the Morcots, of partiality, and cert with a sufficient body of land

The rebellion being thus effectually quelled, the government undertook the blockade of Patras in earnest, and under most favorable auspices. All the Morea, except Patras, and the small fortresses of Coron and Modon, was in the possession of the liberators; and so was most of Western Greece. By means of the English loans, the finances of the government were placed in a condition to carry on the approaching campaign with spirit. Thirty ships, acting in con

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