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al manner, all persons inhabiting the territories of Colombia, from taking any part in such traffics

Art. 14. And inasmuch as it is convenient and necessary to facilitate to the utmost, a mutual good understanding between the two contracting parties, and to remove beforehand every kind of difficulty, and that other articles may be proposed and added to the present treaty, which, for the want of time, and the pressure of circumstances, cannot now be drawn up with the proper precision, it has been agreed, and is hereby agreed, on the part of both powers, that they shall mutually endeavor, with the least possible delay, to treat and agree upon the articles that may be found wanting in this treaty, and which may be judged mutually advantageous; and such articles, when they are agreed upon and duly ratified, shall form part of the present treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation.

Art. 15th. The present treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation, shall be ratified by the president or vice-president, entrusted with the executive power of the republic of Colombia, with the consent and approbation of the congress of the same, and by his majesty the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in London within six months from the present day, or sooner if possible.

In testimony of which, the respective plenipotentiaries have mutually signed and sealed these pre

sents.

Given in the city of Bogota, the eighteenth day of the month of April, in the year of our Lord one

thousand eight hundred and twentyfive.

PEDRO GAUL,

PEDRO BRICENO MENDEZ, JOHN POTTER HAMILTON, PATRICK CAMPBELL. Additional Article. Insomuch as, in the present state of the Colombian marine, it would not be possible for any Colombian to take the benefit of the reciprocity established in the fifth, sixth, and seventh articles of the treaty signed this day, if that part which stipulates that, in order to be considered as a Colombian vessel, the vessel must have been really built in Colombia, it has been agreed, that for the space of seven years, reckoned from the date of the ratification of this treaty, all vessels, wherever they may have been built, that are bona fide the property of one or more of the citizen of Colombia, and whose captain and three-fourth parts of the mariners, at the least, are Colombian citizens, except in those cases especially provided for by law, shall be considered as Colombian vessels. His majesty, the king of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, reserving to himself the right, at the end of the said term of seven years, to enforce the principle of mutual restriction stipulated in the seventh article above referred to, if the interests of the British shipping should be injured by the present exception of that reciprocity in favor of Colombian vessels.

The present additional article shall have the same force and validity as if it had been inserted, word for word, in the treaty signed this day it shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at the same time.

five.

PEDRO GUAL,

In faith of which, the respective thousand eight hundred and twentyplenipotentiaries have severally signed and put their seals to it. Given in the city of Bogota, the eighteenth day of the month of April, in the year of our Lord one

PEDRO BRICENO MENDEZ, JOHN POTTER HAMILTON, PATRICK CAMPBELL.

The following extracts are made from an answer made by MR. CANNING, to the remonstrances of the Spanish Ambassador in London, against the new relations which the British government had formed with the new American governments.

"The separation of the Spanish colonies from the mother country has neither been our work, nor the object of our desires; it has been caused by events in which the English government took no part, but which, we think, might have been prevented, if our advice had been listened to in time.

"But this separation has produced a state of things to which the British government must adapt its measures and its language not precipitately, but with mature reflection and circumspection.

"The continuing to call by the name of a Spanish possession, a territory in which Spanish power and occupation have been extinguished, can be of no practical utility to the mother country, and may endanger the peace of the world."

"It cannot be denied that even in 1813, Great Britain would have made peace with Bonaparte, if he had not been so immoderate in his pretensions; Spain cannot be ignorant, that even since the fall of Bonaparte it was a question among the allies, whether it would be proper to place on the throne of France a sovereign who was not a Bourbon."

"All political communities are responsible to each other for their conduct that is, they are all under

an obligation to fulfil their established international duties, and to indemnify any violation of the rights of others committed by their citizens or subjects. Now, since the mother country must continue to be responsible for acts over which it cannot exercise the shadow of authority, the inhabitants of those countries whose political independence has been established, but whose title has not been recognized, must be placed in a situation in which they are responsible for their actions, or must be punished like pirates placed beyond the pale of law, for those deeds which supply a ground of complaint to other nations. In the first part of this alternative, the total irresponsibility of the states not recognized is too absurd to be maintained; and in the last, the treatment of their inhabitants as pirates is too monstrous to be applied to a great portion of the habitable globe.

"M. Zea says, that the king of Spain will never recognize the new states of Spanish America, and that his majesty will not cease to employ force of arms against his rebel subjects in that part of the world.

"We have neither the pretension nor the desire to control the conduct of his catholic majesty-but this declaration of M. Zea is a complete justification of our con

duct, as it proves that we have seized the proper moment to put our relations with the new states upon a firm footing. A further delay on our part could not have satisfied Spain, or produced any benefit, seeing that Spain has decidedly pronounced herself against all arrangement, under any circumstances, or at any time; and that she is resolved upon interminable war with her ancient colonies.

"The undersigned is also charged to declare to the ministers of Spain, that it was not a sentiment of ill-will, nor even of indifference towards the interests of his catho

lic majesty, which dictated the measures of the English government-that his Britannic majesty will not cease to entertain the most anxious wishes for the prosperity of Spain, and that his majesty is still disposed to renew, and has commanded the undersigned to renew, to the government of his catholic majesty, the offer of the good offices of his majesty to bring to an issue any amicable arrangement which may be practicable between his catholic majesty and the countries of America which have separated from Spain."

FRANCE.

The following is the King's SPEECH, delivered on opening the Chambers, January 31.

Gentlemen-It is with genuine satisfaction that I find myself again among you. Watchful of the public sentiment, and of the course of things, I have concluded that no serious considerations required that the period at which your meeting was to take place, should be hastened. My foresight has been justified, and I am happy in not having abridged the repose on which you had a right to calculate.

Death has just stricken in the midst of his career, one of our most magnanimous allies-this loss has profoundly afflicted my heart. I receive from his successor, and from all other powers, the most positive assurances of the continuation of their friendly dispositions; and I have the conviction that nothing will alter the good understanding existing between my allies and myself, for the repose of the nations.

I have concluded with his Britannic majesty, a convention which will render less burdensome the conditions now attached to the reciprocal navigation of the two kingdoms and their colonies. I anticipate from the arrangement, advantageous results for our maritime commerce.

I have resolved at last, to settle (fixer) the fate of St. Domingo. The time had arrived for closing so dangerous a sore, and to put an end to a state of things which compromitted so many interests. The final separation of that colony, lost to us for thirty years, will not disturb the security of those we retain.

A law for the apportionment of the indemnity which I have stipulated for the ancient inhabitants, becomes necessary. It will be proposed to you.

I shall cause to be submitted to

you immediately, the accounts for 1824-a sketch of the receipts and expenses for 1825, and the budget of 1826.

The development of our commerce, and of our industry, which from day to day is adding to the product of the taxes on consumption and operations, will permit an amelioration of the condition of the ministers of our holy religion, to increase the funds for other services, and in addition to the decrease which has already been made this year in the direct taxes, will allow a further diminution of nineteen millions. (About $3,800,000.)

You will rejoice with me, gentlemen, to find thus, in the progress of our internal prosperity, the means of reducing those charges which weigh most heavily on the tax payers.

Legislation should provide for the successive improvements of all the wants of society. The progressive cutting up (morcellement) of landed estates, essentially contrary to the spirit of a monarchical government, would enfeeble the guarantees which the charter gives to my throne and to my subjects.

Measures will be proposed to you, gentlemen, to re-establish the uniformity which ought to exist in the political and in the civil law, and to preserve the patrimony of families, without restricting, however, the liberty of disposing of one's goods.

The preservation of families brings about and secures political stability, which is the first want of states, and which particularly is that of France, after so many vi cissitudes.

You will second me, gentlemen, in the accomplishment of the plans I have meditated, and in assuring more and more the happiness of the people whom Divine Providence has committed to my care. You will not be more disturbed than myself by that thoughtless restlessness which still agitates some bosoms in spite of the security we enjoy. This security shall not be impaired, gentlemen; rely upon my watching, with equal solicitude, over all the interests of the state, and that I shall know how to conciliate the exercise of all legal liberty, with the maintenance of order, and the suppression of licentiousness.

RUSSIA.

MANIFESTO OF THE EMPEROR NICHOLAUS I. Petersburg, Dec. 26. Whereas his imperial highness, the grand duke Constantine, has declared that he will resolutely adhere to his former abdication of the imperial crown, the grand duke Nicholaus has, to-day, ascended the throne of the Russian empire, and all the proper authorities, and the different divisions of the army, have taken the oath of fidelity to his im

perial majesty. In reference to this important event, the following imperial manifesto has appeared:

Manifesto. By the grace of God, Nicholaus I., emperor and autocrat of all the Russias. In the grief of our heart, amidst the general pain which oppresses us, our imperial house, and our beloved country, we can only bend before the impenetrable decrees of the Almighty, and

we can only seck for strength and consolation with him. It has pleased him to call before him the emperor Alexander I., of glorious memory, and we have lost a father, a ruler, who, during twenty-five years, was the happiness of Russia and of us.

When, on the 27th Nov. the information of this disastrous event reached us, we hastened, even this moment of the most acute grief, to fulfil a sacred duty, and, listening only to the dictates of our hearts, we rendered the oath of fidelity to our elder brother, the Cezrowitsch grand duke Constantine, as legitimate heir to the Russian throne in virtue of primogeniture. Scarcely had we discharged this sacred duty, when we were apprised by the senate, that there had been deposited in their hands, on the 15th October, 1823, a letter, with the seal of the deceased emperor, and with the superscription in the own hand writing of his imperial majesty: "To be preserved by the senate until my further commands; in case of my death, however, this packet is to be opened in an extraordinary sitting, before any other act is proceeded in :" that this most gracious command had been complied with, and the following documents were contained in the packet :

1. A letter of the Cezarowitsch grand duke Constantine, dated 14th January, 1822, addressed to his majesty, the deceased emperor, by virtue of which his imperial highness renounces the succession to the throne, belonging to him by primogeniture.

2. A manifesto, dated August 16, 1823, bearing the autograph signature of his imperial majesty, whereby his majesty, after the ratification

of the deed of abdication of the Cezarowitsch grand duke Constantine, establishes, that we, the next in age, are heir to the crown, according to the fundamental laws of the empire.

We were further informed, that documents of the same tenor had been deposited with the directing senate, with the holy synod, and in the cathedral church of the Ascension at Moscow. These informations could not alter our resolution once taken. We observed in these documents only a renunciation of his imperial highness during the life of the emperor and confirmed by the consent of his imperial majesty: but we had neither the wish nor the right to consider this abdication, which, when it took place, was not proclaimed publicly, and had not received the power of a law as irrevocable. We would manifest by this our veneration of the first fundamental law of our country, and of the unalterable order of succession, and faithful to the oath we had taken, we insisted that the whole empire should follow our example. Under these momentous circumstances, it was not our intention to dispute the validity of the resolution pronounced by his imperial highness, much less was it our intention to bring ourselves in opposition to the will of the deceased emperor, our common father and benefactor, which will always remain sacred to us. We endeavored solely to protect the law, regulating the succession to the throne, from every infringement, to show the purity of our sentiments, and not to leave our beloved country one single moment in uncertainty respecting its legitimate sovereign.

This resolution, taken with a pure conscience, and before God

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