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remedied, needs little insight into the secret history of late years to know, and that this remedy may best be concerted at the Panama meeting, deserves, at least, the experiment of consideration. A concert of measures, having reference to the more effectual abolition of the African slave trade, and the consideration of the light in which the political condition of the island of Hayti is to be regarded, are also among the subjects mentioned by the minister from the republic of Colombia, as believed to be suitable for deliberation at the congress. The failure of the negotiations with that republic, undertaken during the late administration, for the suppression of that trade, in compliance with a resolution of the house of representatives, indicates the expediency of listening with respectful attention to propositions which may contribute to the accomplishment of the great end which was the purpose of that resolution, while the result of those negotiations will serve as admonition to abstain from pledging this government to any arrangement which might be expected to fail of obtaining the advice and consent of the senate, by a constitutional majority to its ratification.

Whether the political condition of the island of Hayti shall be brought at all into discussion at the meeting, may be a question for preliminary advisement.

There

are in the political constitution of
government of that people, circum-
stances which have hitherto forbid
den the acknowledgment of them
by the government of the United
States, as sovereign and indepen-
dent. Additional reasons for with-
holding that acknowledgment have
recently been seen in their accept-

ance of a nominal sovereignty by the grant of a foreign prince; under conditions equivalent to the concession by them, of exclusive commercial advantages to one nation, adapted altogether to the state of colonial vassalage, and retaining little of independence but the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the assembly at Panama: and, should they not be concurred in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed upon different principles.

The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is of deeper import and more immediate bearing upon the present interests and future prospects of our union. The

ear

correspondence, herewith transmitted, will show how nestly it has engaged the attention of this government. The invasion of both those islands by the united forces of Mexico and Colombia, is avowedly among the objects to be matured by the belligerent states at Panama. The convulsions to which, from the peculiar compositheir population, they tion of would be liable, in the event of such an invasion, and the danger therefrom resulting of their falling ultimately into the hands of some European power, other than Spain, will not admit of our looking at the consequences to which the congress at Panama may lead with indifference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic, or to say more than that all our efforts, in reference to this interest, will be to preserve the existing state of things, the tranquillity of the islands, and the peace and security of their inhabitants.

And, lastly, the congress of Panama is believed to present a fair

occasion for urging upon all the new nations of the south, the just and liberal principles of religious liberty. Not by any interference whatever in their internal concerns, but by claiming for our citizens, whose occupations or interests may call them to occasional residence in their territories, the inestimable privilege of worshipping their Creator according to the dictates of their own consciences. This privilege, sanctioned by the customary law of nations, and secured by treaty stipulations in numerous national compacts; secured even to our own citizens in the treaties with Colombia and with the Federation of Central America, is yet to be obtained in the other South American states and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still struggling against it, which may, perhaps, be more successfully combatted at this general meeting than at the separate seats of government of each republic.

I can scarcely deem it other wise than superfluous to observe, that the assembly will be, in its nature, diplomatic, and not legislative. That nothing can be transacted there obligatory upon any one of the states, to be represented at the meeting, unless with the express concurrence of its own representatives, nor even then, but subject to the ratification of its constitutional authority at home. The faith of the United States to foreign powers cannot otherwise be pledged. I shall, indeed, in the first instance, consider the assembly as merely consultative; and although the plenipotentiaries of the United States will be empowered to receive and refer, to the consideration of their government, any proposition from the other par

ties to the meeting, they will be authorized to conclude nothing, unless subject to the definitive sanction of this government, in all its constitutional forms. It has, therefore, seemed to me unnecessary to insist, that every object to be discussed at the meeting, should be specified, with the precision of a judicial sentence, or enumerated with the exactness of a mathematical demonstration. The purpose of the meeting itself is to deliberate upon the great and common interests of several new and neighboring nations. If the measure is new and without precedent, so is the situation of the parties to it. That the purposes of the meeting are somewhat indefinite, far from being an objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its adoption. It is not the establisment of principles of intercourse with one, but with seven or eight nations at once. That, before they have had the means of exchanging ideas, and communicating with one another in common upon these topics, they should have definitively settled and arranged them in concert, is to require that the effect should precede the cause. It is to exact, as a preliminary to the meeting, that for the accomplishment of which the meeting itself is designed.

Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to consideration before the determination was taken to accept the invitation, was that, whether the measure might not have a tendency to change the policy hitherto invariably pursued by the United States, of avoiding all entangling alliances, and all unnecessary foreign connections.

Mindful of the advice given by the father of our country, in his

farewell address, that the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible; and, faithfully adhering to the spirit of that admonition, I cannot overlook the reflection, that the counsel of Washington, in that instance, like all the counsels of wisdom, was founded upon the circumstances in which our country and the world around us were situated, at the time, when it was given. That the reasons assigned by him for his advice were, that Europe had a set of primary interests, which to us had none, or a very remote relation. That hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which were essentially foreign to our concerns. That our detached and distant situation invited and enabled us to pursue a different course. That, by our union and rapid growth, with an efficient government, the period was not far distant, when we might defy material injury from external annoyance ; when we might take such an attitude as would cause our neutrality to be respected; and with reference to belligerant nations, might choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, should counsel.

Compare our situation and the circumstances of that time, with those of the present day; and what, from the very words of Washington, then, would be his counsels to his countrymen now? Europe has still her set of primary interests, with which we have little or no relation. Our distant and detached situation with reference to Europe, remains the same. But, we were then the only inde

pendent nation of this hemisphere; and we were surrounded by European colonies, with the greater part of which we had no more intercourse, than with the inhabitants of another planet. Those colonies have now been transformed into eight independent nations, extending to our very borders. Seven of them republics, like ourselves; with whom we have an immensely growing commercial, and must have, and have already, important political connections. With reference to whom our situation is neither distant nor detached. Whose political principles and systems of government, congenial with our own, must and will have an action and counter-action upon us and ours, to which we cannot be indifferent if we would.

The rapidity of our growth, and the consequent increase of our strength, has more than realized the anticipations of this admirable political legacy. political legacy. Thirty years have nearly elapsed since it was written, and in the interval, our population, our wealth, our territorial extension, our power, physical and moral, has nearly trebled. Reasoning upon this state of things from the sound and judicious principles of Washington, and must we not say, that the period which he predicted, as then not far off, has arrived? That America has a set of primary interests, which have none or a remote relation to Europe. That the interference of Europe, therefore, in those concerns, should be spontaneously withheld by her upon the same principles, that we have never interfered with hers and that if she should interfere, as she may, by measures which may have a great and dangerous recoil upon our

selves, we might be called in defence of our own altars and firesides, to take an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be respected, and choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

The acceptance of this invita tion therefore, far from conflicting with the counsel or the policy of Washington, is directly deducible from and conformable to it; nor is it less conformable to the views of my immediate predecessor, as declared in his annual message to congress, of the 2d of December, 1823, to which I have already adverted, and to an important passage of which, I invite the attention of the house. "The citizens of the United States," said he, "cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that, (the European,) side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded, or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries, or make preparation for our defence. With the movements in this hemisphere, we are, of necessity, more imme diately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied powers, is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defence of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened

citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations subsisting between the United States and those powers, to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part, to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere, as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power, we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But, with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition, for the purposes of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition; and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which, in the judgment of the competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change, on the part of the United States, indispensable to their securities."

To the question which may be asked, whether this meeting and the principles which may be adjusted and settled by it as rules of intercourse between the American nations, may not give umbrage to the holy league of European pow- · ers, or offence to Spain, it is deemed a sufficient answer, that our attendance at Panama can give no

just cause of umbrage or offence
to either-and that the United
States will stipulate nothing there
Here
which can give such cause.
the right of inquiry into our pur-
must stop.
poses and measures
The holy league of Europe itself
was formed without inquiring of
the United States whether it would
or would not give umbrage to
them. The fear of giving um-
brage to the holy league of Eu-
rope was urged as a motive for
denying to the American nations
the acknowledgment of their inde-
pendence. That it would be view-
ed by Spain as hostility to her,
was not only urged, but directly
declared by herself. The congress
and administration of that day con-
sulted their rights and duties, and
not their fears. Fully determined
to give no needless displeasure
to any foreign power, the United
States can estimate the probability
of their giving it, only by the right
which any foreign state could have,
to take it from their measures.
Neither the representation of the
United States at Panama, nor any
measure to which their assent may
be yielded there, will give to the
holy league, or any of its members,
nor to Spain, the right to take of-
fence. For the rest, the United
States must still, as heretofore, take
counsel from their duties, rather
than their fears.

Such are the objects in which it is expected that the plenipotentiaries of the United States, when commissioned to attend the meeting at the Isthmus, will take part; and such are the motives and purposes, with which the invitation of -the three republics was accepted. It was, however, as the house will perceive from the correspondence, accepted only upon condition that

the nomination of commissioners
for the mission, should receive the
advice and consent of the senate.
The concurrence of the house to
the measure, by the appropriations
necessary for carrying it into effect,
is alike subject to its free determi-
nation, and indispensable to the
fulfilment of the intention.

That the congress at Panama will accomplish all, or even any of the transcendent benefits to the human race, which warmed the conceptions of its first proposer, it were, perhaps, indulging too sanguine a forecast of events to promise.

It is, in its nature, a measure speculative and experimental. The blessing of heaven may turn it to the account of human improvement.

Accidents unforeseen, and mischances not to be anticipated, may baffle all its high purposes, and disappoint its fairest expectations. But the design is great, is benevoIt looks to the lent, is humane. melioration of the condition of man. It is congenial with that spirit which prompted the declaration of our independence; which inspired the preamble of our first treaty with France; which dictated our first treaty with Prussia, and the instructions under which it was negotiated; which filled the hearts and fired the souls of the immortal founders of our revolution.

With this unrestricted exposition of the motives by which I have been governed, in this transaction, as well as of the objects to be discussed, and of the ends, if possible, to be attained by our representation at the proposed congress, I submit the propriety of an appropriation, to the candid consideration, and enlightened patriotism of the legislature.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

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