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John Haynes Holmes, New York City.
Frederic C. Howe, Washington, D. C.
James Weldon Johnson, New York City.
Helen Keller, Forest Hills, L. I.
Harold J. Laski, Cambridge, Mass.
Agnes Brown Leach, New York City.
Arthur Le Sueur, St. Paul, Minn.
Henry R. Linville, New York City.
Robert Morss Lovett, Chicago, Ill.
Allen McCurdy, New York City.
Grenville S. MacFarland, Boston, Mass.
Oscar Maddaus, Manhasset, L. I.
Judah L. Magnes, New York City.
James H. Maurer, Reading, Pa.
A. J. Muste, New York City.
George W. Nasmyth, New York City.
Scott Nearing, New York City.
Julia O'Connor, Boston, Mass.
William H. Pickens, Baltimore, Md.
William Marion Reedy, St. Louis, Mo.
John Nevin Sayre, Katonah, N. Y.
Rose Schneidemann, New York City.
Vida D. Scudder, Wellesley, Mass.
Norman M. Thomas, New York City.
Oswald Garrison Villard, New York City.
L. Hollingsworth Wood, New York City.
George P. West, Oakland, Cal.1

These names will nearly all be familiar to any one who has read the preceding chapters of this section; and the association here of women like Jane Addams and Helen Keller with extreme radicals like Elizabeth Gurley Flynn and leaders of the Socialist movement in America will explain, in large measure, the Socialist tendencies which manifest themselves in many so-called liberal papers and in some collegiate settlement and religious circles.

The National Civil Liberties Bureau has lately issued some fifteen pamphlets, among which are "Your Amish Mennonite," by William Hard, reprinted from the "New Republic," which is described in a foreword as "The following striking story of the conscientious objector in America;" "Why Freedom Matters,” by Norman Angell; and "Amnesty for Political Prisoners," by Judah L. Magnes.

1 See Addenda for later corrections and additions. (July, 1920.)

Under its new title, the American Civil Liberties Union has, as far as our knowledge goes, issued four pamphlets:

(1) "General Amnesty," by Dr. Frank Crane, of the New York "Globe," ending: "I am in favor of a general amnesty for all political prisoners."

(2) "The Old America and the New," by Judah L. Magnes, ending, "Let us uphold the ideals of internationalism in the name of the old America that was free and is now dead, and in the name of the New America which is now being born."

(3) "Do We Need More Sedition Laws?"

(4) "The Issues in the Centralia Murder Trial," an attempted defense of the Centralia I. W. W. murderers of American soldiers.

The Bureau has also issued the reprint copy of an article from the January 31, 1920, issue of the "New Republic," called "The Force and Violence Joker.1

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This includes more or less open attacks on Attorney-General Palmer, Mr. Lansing, the House Immigration Committee, the New York Times," Senator Fall, this Committee, etc. It also quotes the dissenting opinions in the Abrams case, of Justices Holmes and Brandeis, and ends by making light of the danger of revolution in America.

This belittling of the very real danger to the institutions of this country, as well as the attempted discrediting of any investigating group (or individual), has become thoroughly characteristic of our "Parlor-Bolshevik" or Intelligensia."

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Concerning the present status of some of these:

As we have seen, Roger Baldwin, though he spent a year in prison for his "conscientious objector beliefs," is now again one of the directors of the American Civil Liberties Union.

Many of the original organizers of the American Union against Militarism are at present on the list of officers or members of committees of the American Civil Liberties Union.

During the period which has been described, there were a large number of organizations co-operating with those described in the preceding chapter (in many cases having interlocking directorates), starting in the beginning with anti-militarism as their objective, but in nearly all cases winding up in the closest possible contact with extreme radicals and revolutionaries. The Committee feels that anyone who has followed closely the progress of

1 See Addenda for July 1920 publications.

the movement described in this and preceding chapters will recognize the influences which have been at play on public opinion and the efforts which have been exerted to stimulate the radical movement among persons of means and education.

(NOTE: The quotations from letters to and from the National Civil Liberties Bureau and allied organizations in this chapter, containing citations to various volumes, refer to the volumes of bound correspondence subpoenaed from the National Civil Liberties Bureau by this Committee, from which this data is gathered.)

CHAPTER IX

People's Freedom Union*

In addition to the particular organizations which have been enumerated in the preceding chapters of this section, there also were a large number of similar organizations with interlocking directorates, both in New York City and scattered throughout the United States. The notable feature of the entire movement which is here treated is the striking activity of many of those participating in it. If the committees representing these numerous organizations be scanned, it will be found that in almost every one the leading spirits are the same. So great is the activity of a number of these agitators that one is inclined to believe that the different organizations serve simply as so many aliases under which this same movement is carried on.

One of the latest organizations to appear, which has begun to spread its propaganda broadcast, is the People's Freedom Union, successor to the People's Council, with offices at 138 West 13th street, New York City. It will be noted that this is the same premises occupied by the People's Print, the American Civil Liberties Union, and a number of other questionable organizations. The purpose and object of this union is well stated in a mimeographed statement issued from its headquarters. The Committee feels that it is of sufficient interest to reproduce here in full, as follows:

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"THE PEOPLES' FREEDOM UNION

"WHAT IT IS AND WHY IT IS

"A New Alignment Necessary In America

"Never has there been so urgent a need as comes with the end of the Great War for just-minded men and women to unite their efforts on behalf of a saner world order. The forces of reaction are more active today than ever. They now work internationally. But a consolidation of strength and a new orientation of the forces working for peace and freedom has become indispensable. In the first place, it is imperative that the forward-looking forces in this country, whose morale has become weakened by discouragement and whose energies dissipated, be reco-ordinated. During the war a number of groups sprang up, devoted to such

See Addend'ım, Part I.

objects as the securing of amnesty for political prisoners, defending and regaining civil rights and liberties abrogated under the hysteria of war, and promoting international understanding and friendship even while the conflict raged. In the beginning each tried to appeal to a different group for support, moral and financial. Gradually, however, each found itself assuming other functions than that originally conceived to be its central purpose. To each phase of this general program went a fraction of the energy of the group, with the result that no single function was carried out in such manner as to achieve relative success. In the same way, each group appealed in the end approximately to the same clientele of progressive citizens for financial and moral support.

"With Europe

Equally important with the revitalizing of the American movement is the resumption of intercourse between ourselves and the liberal forces of the various countries, made possible by the lifting, to a degree at least, of international censorship. Each foreign mail brings us tidings of European groups ready to take up the task of world building in their own country, and eager for news of what is transpiring in America.

"THE PROPORTIONS OF THE PROBLEM

"An intelligent public opinion on world affairs must be stimulated. A first pre-requisite to a saner world order is an enlightened public opinion on international affairs. But do people know what is going on in other lands? Do the majority of our fellow citizens in America, for example, know the facts about Russia or about Hungary, or Ireland, or India, or Egypt, or China, and a dozen other scenes of strife?

"When the Egyptian people rose this year and demanded that Great Britain keep her promise to withdraw her sovereignty, Lloyd George reaffirmed the British 'protectorate,' and President Wilson pledged America to recognize it. Were our people consulted?

"When delegates from Korea wished to leave for Paris to present to the Peace Conference their country's claim to independence from Japan, they were denied passports by our State Department. How many of our people had a voice in these decisions?

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