and political crisis created by war, in order to rouse the masses of the people and to hasten the downfall of the predominance of the capitalistic class." In the Chicago Manifesto of September, 1919, we find the following: "To insure the triumph of Socialism in the United States the bulk of the American workers must be strongly organized politically as Socialists in constant, clean-cut and aggressive opposition to all parties of the possessing class. They must be strongly organized in the economic field on broad industrial lines, as one powerful and harmonious class organization, co-operating with the Socialist Party, and ready in cases of emergency to reinforce the political demands of the working class by industrial action." (See Manifesto in full at end of this chapter.) We desire to direct particular attention to the concluding phrase in this paragraph: "To reinforce the political demands of the working class by industrial action." Under the laws of this State this is unlawful. In making this statement we do not want to be misunderstood as desiring to infringe in the slightest degree upon the right of labor to strike. Labor has that right. Some of the most marked reforms and some of the greatest benefits that labor has received have been brought about through strikes, but it never has been recognized that the general strike, with the resultant paralysis of all industry, might lawfully be used to bring about a political change. This is where the sharp line of demarcation is drawn. We recognize in this country but one lawful manner and method of effectuating political changes or political reforms, and that is by the voice of the people as expressed at the polls. When means other than the ballot are used we then find ourselves outside of the pale of the law. In the recently adopted preamble to the constitution of the Socialist Party its objective is stated in the following language: "The workers must wrest the control of the Government from the hands of the master class and use its powers in the upbuilding of the new social order-the co-operative commonwealth." And the methods to be employed are stated in the following paragraph of this preamble, which was adopted as part of the changes of the constitution in the year 1919: "The Socialist Party seeks to organize the working class for independent action on the political field, not merely for the betterment of their conditions, but also and above all with the revolutionary aim of putting an end to exploitation and class rule. Such political action is absolutely necessary to the emancipation of the working class, and the establishment of genuine liberty for all." While political action is considered essential it is also held by the Socialist Party to be ineffectual, and this is made clear by this paragraph which immediately succeeds the one just quoted: "To accomplish this aim it is necessary that the working class be powerfully and solidly organized also on the economic field, to struggle for the same revolutionary goal; and the Socialist Party pledges its aid in the task of promoting such industrial organization and waging such industrial struggle for emancipation." The leaders of the Socialist Party on all occasions strive to impress upon the rank and file of that organization that it is impossible to obtain their ultimate goal by political action only. Every platform, every manifesto, practically every utterance of the Socialist orators convey the idea that the workers of America should be organized industrially so as to be submissive to the command of the revolutionary leadership; and it is for this reason that the American Federation of Labor and its leaders are continually attacked and abused by the members of the Socialist Party. It is also for this reason that the latter declares the program of the American Federation of Labor, archaic, non-progressive and inimical to the cause of the working class. Eugene V. Debs, originally an enthusiastic advocate of the trade union, repudiated his former trade union associates after joining the Socialist Party, and uttered the following sentiments: "The trade union is outgrown and its survival is an unmitigated evil to the working class. Craft unionism is not only impotent but a crime against the workers." The Socialist Party has consistently assumed this attitude, for witness this declaration of this party at the time of our entry into the war: "The Socialist Party will ever be ready to co-operate with the labor union in the task of organizing the unorganized workers, and urges all labor organizations, which have not already done so, to throw their doors wide open to the workers of their respective trades and industries, abolishing all onerous conditions of membership and artificial restrictions, with the view that their organizations be eventually developed into industrial, as well as militant, class-conscious and revolutionary unions with the development of the industries. "In the face of the tremendous powers of the American capitalists and their close industrial and political union, the workers of this country can win their battles only through a strong class-consciousness and closely united organization on the economic field, a powerful and militant party on the political field and by joint attack of both on the common enemy." In the course of his examination in the investigation of the five excluded Socialist Assemblymen elect at Albany, Mr. Algernon Lee testified that " Very frequently the general strike is used to back up political action, not always," and that, if the circumstances should exist which make it necessary, it is a part of the program of the Socialist Party in the United States to utilize the general strike for the purpose of affecting political action. Mr. Claessens, one of the five excluded Socialist Assemblymen elect, an instructor in the Rand School of Social Science, in the course of a speech at the Park View Palace, on November 7, 1919, on the occasion of the celebration of the second anniversary of the founding of the Russian Federated Soviet Republic, had this to say: 66 'Now, thank goodness, Socialists are not only working along political lines. If we thought for a minute it was merely a dream on our part, a great political controversy, until we have a majority of men elected, and then by merely that majority, declare the revolution, if any of you smoke that pipe-dream, if that is the quality of opium you are puffing now, give it up, give it up.” The advocacy of a program of industrial action involving the use of the general strike for political purposes indicates very clearly that the Socialist Party of America is today a revolutionary, radical organization; and the proposition hardly admits of argument that if the Socialist Party were truly a political party, it would depend upon political means alone for the effectuation of political objectives. The Socialist Party of America has as members various foreign language federations, namely: The Scandinavian Socialist Labor Federation, The South Slavonian Socialist Labor Federation, The Hungarian Socialist Labor Federation, These foreign language federations are an integral part of the Socialist Party of America and are under its jurisdiction. Within the year, certain of the foreign language federations have been expelled for the doing and saying of things that were displeasing to the Socialist Party itself or to the members of its Executive Committee. They exist for propaganda purposes to bring within the fold persons not conversant with the English language but who are likely to make good Socialists and who may add to the strength of industrial activity of the party. Some of the boldest and frankest propaganda of the Socialist Party is to be found in the publications of these foreign language federations, presumably on the theory that being printed in a foreign tongue they are less apt to come to the attention of the authorities, whose duty it is to concern themselves with these matters. The party has not refrained from direct advocacy of violence to bring about its much-heralded co-operative commonwealth; and we give below a few excerpts from statements made by leaders of the party on this point. In the National Convention of the Socialist Party in 1908, Victor L. Berger, recently excluded from Congress and now under sentence of twenty years for his conviction on the charge of violating the Espionage Act, said the following: There is a grow "Comrade Chairman and Comrades: ing tendency, not only in this country, but in other countries to deprecate political action. That tendency you can see in Italy and France, even in Germany to some extent, although less there than anywhere else, and in this country. They call The Syndicalists in Italy fight political action. The following year in the "Social Democratic Herald," of Milwaukee, under date of July 31, 1909, Victor L. Berger used the following language: "No one will claim that I am given to the reciting of revolutionary' phrases. On the contrary, I am known to be a constructive' Socialist. "However, in view of the plutocratic lawmaking of the present day, it is easy to predict that the safety and hope of this country will finally lie in one direction only that of a violent and bloody revolution. "Therefore, I say, each of the 500,000 Socialist voters and of the 2,000,000 workingmen who instinctively incline. our way, should, besides doing much reading and still more thinking, also have a good rifle and the necessary rounds of ammunition in his home and be prepared to back up his ballot with his bullets if necessary." On January 12, 1919, a meeting was held in the City of Milwaukee, arranged by the Socialists of Milwaukee, and at which the Socialist mayor of Milwaukee presided. William Bross Lloyd, who had recently been the Socialist Party candidate for United States Senator from the State of Illinois, and who, by the way, has since been indicted in Illinois for his connection with the Communist Party of America, used the following language: "We know that the readier we are to fight, the bigger army we have got, the bigger navy, the more ammunition, the less chance there is for us to have to fight. So what we want is revolutionary preparedness. We want to organize, so if you want to put a piece of propaganda in the hands of everybody in Milwaukee, you can do it in three or four |