Mr. President, all our great financial authorities of both parties, from the framers of the Constitution, from Alexander Hamilton and Jefferson and Webster and Calhoun and Benton and Chase and Fessenden, Federalists and Republicans, Whigs and Democrats, down to the disturbed period which followed the war, have agreed upon this policy. There were differences which divided political parties. Whether Congress should authorize a paper currency, under careful safeguards, redeemable in coin, or should leave that to State discretion, or to private enterprise, was a question which divided parties and made and unmade Presidents and administrations. But down to the year 1863 it never was heard of in this country that the legal tender and the standard of value should be anything but gold and silver; nor was it ever claimed until 1873 that both gold and silver could not be relied upon to perform this service.-From speech in U. S. Senate August 15, 1893.

Senator Thomas H. Carter, of Montana.

It is my candid belief, often expressed, that fully 90 per cent. of the American people favor bimetallism as opposed to either gold or silver monometallism. The almost inspired framers of our Constitution, of whom it is truly said, "They builded better than they knew," launched this ship of State with bimetallism as the sheet anchor of our monetary system. Their wisdom in that behalf has been sanctioned by the vast weight of authority on monetary science. Without public discussion silver was elimi nated from the coinage of the country twenty-odd years ago. From that time to this constant efforts have been made to re-establish free silver coinage. The Republican party has always professed itself favorable to the consummation of this desired purpose. Within the party differences of opinion have existed, not upon the principle involved, but upon the methods which should be employed to bring about the desired result. Certain Republicans, of mature judgment, wide research, and unquestionable integrity of purpose have urged the party to undo by law the mischief brought about by law. This element in the party is known as the free-silver element. Recently certain self-constituted censors of party action have been pleased to denominate such Republicans as conspirators against the public weal; others have gone so far as to invite them to relieve the party of their obnoxious presence. They have been advised that their States are not needed in Republican columns. Garrulous statesmen, possessed of more zeal than knowledge, have assumed to deal with party principles by the measure of party necessity.

The advocates of the free and unlimited coinage of silver in the Republican party insist upon the adoption of their views because they believe that the principle for which they contend is inherently and eternally right.From speech in U. S. Senate Feb. 26, 1896.

Senator William E. Chandler, of New Hampshire.

Whenever the choice comes, if it ever must come, between permanent acquiescence in the single gold standard and the adoption by the United States of the single silver standard, the Monitor and Statesman will not be found on the side of gold. Such a monetary system will everywhere tend to make the rich richer and the poor poorer, and will inflict grinding poverty and intense woe upon the great masses of helpless mankind all over the world. From editorial by him reproduced in Washington Post of July 1, 1896.

Ex-Governor Bookwalter, of Ohio.

While it has been the habit of the Western World to regard the people of the Orient as fixed and imbedded in lethargy and inaction, as incapable of development in accord with modern ideas, it has long been evident to observant travelers that such is not the case, but, on the contrary, there is in the populous East a latent energy and capacity for development and growth on Western lines and ideas well nigh illimitable.

Suppose gold were made the sole monetary basis of the world, and that Russia, Japan and China alone (we will leave out India, with its population of 280 millions), with nearly 650 millions of people, were to so expand their trade and industries in the next fifty years as to require even the low per capita amount of ten dollars of gold. This would require nearly seven billions of dollars, or an amount og gold equal to what the world has succeeded in accumulating in 6,000 years.

With such a probable development of Oriental countries in the near future, does it not become problematical whether all the gold and silver combined can meet the vast monetary demands thus created. and that they may not be forced, along with other Western ideas, to adopt that peculiar financial one of fiat money which our rapid development through the past half century forced us to resort to in order to meet our monetary requirements?— From interview in Washington Evening Star, June 2, 1896.

Hon. J. W. Bailey, of Texas.

I want a stable dollar, and a stable dollar neither goes up nor down. I am so much in favor of stability in the value of the dollar that I would not hesitate to change the metal in it in order to preserve its value. If a man who knows nothing about the money question will listen to the superficial declaration about the dishonesty of changing the bullion in the coin, he will conclude that the most important quality of our dollar is not its value, but its quantity. The absurdity of this contention is palpable. We all affirm that the most desirable quality in a dollar is invariability. What do we mean by invariability? Do we mean invariability in the amount of the metal which it contains, or do we mean invariability in its value? The question answers itself. The unit being one of value and not of quantity the invariability which it ought to possess is the invariability of value, and the metal in it ought to be changed whenever a change is necessary to pre

serve its value. Under the operation of a single gold standard our money has lacked the essential quality for twenty years, and the lack will probably be intensified in the years to come. Indeed, it must be, because after the demand for gold to be used in the manufactures and the arts has been supplied the annual addition to the money of all the world is less than $80,000,000, and this sum is scarcely sufficient to repair the waste of existing stock. With a volume of trade enlarging faster than the volume of money the value of the dollar must continue to increase. But what is the harm, I have heard it asked, if the dollar does increase its value? If it takes twice as much property to buy it, will it not buy twice as much when you get it? This statement of the question is not broad enough. It presupposes only the buyers and sellers of property and does not embrace the buyers and sellers of money. A large majority of our people use borrowed capital, and from time to time are compelled to buy money with which to discharge their obligations, and it is upon them that the misery and injustice are inflicted.

To-day we own $70,000,000,000 worth of property and we owe $35,000,000,000-the dollars which we owe being equal to one-half of the property which we own. If the value of these dollars increase during the next twenty years as it has during the past twenty years, in 1915 the value of the dollars which we now owe will equal three-fourths of the property which we now own; and if in another twenty years a similar increase in the value of the dollar occurs in 1935 the value of the dollars which we now owe will be equal to all of the property which we now own. Thus the owners of our present indebtedness can sit idly down, and, living upon their current interest, they will see the silent and pitiless accretion to the value of their dollars absorb the property on which they hold their mortgages. No business can survive this ceaseless grind. In the end, the active users of capital will be crushed and all enterprise will be discouraged; the profits of merchan dising will be absorbed by the growing burden of debt and merchants will be forced into bankruptcy; the progressive men who have borrowed money and built cities will find their property eaten up by an unearned increment and their families impoverished; mills will pass out of the hands of their owners into the hands of their mortgagees, and we shall have a state of society into which no workingman prospers and no prosperous man works. It is this unspeakable calamity which I entreat my countrymen to avert.From speech at Sherman, Texas, June 11, 1895.

Hon. J, C. McDearmon, of Tennessee.

I think it clear that if this, the greatest nation of the earth, should boldly take the lead and go to free coinage at 16 to 1, the nations of Europe, instead of combining to defeat the object so much desired by all or most of them, as demonstrated by the gentleman, would joyfully applaud our course and follow our example; and, Mr. Speaker, in conclusion, permit me to say that I shall stand upon and defend with my vote and my feeble voice every plank in the Chicago platform, and I feel that I have as much right to disregard or violate that plank which demands a revision of the nefarious and vil

lainous McKinley tariff as to refuse or postpone until an international conference can be had, or until the gorged and fattened plunderers of the substance of the toilers in the fields, who constitute the great majority of all who labor with their bodies in our land, should become satiated and cry "Hold, enough," as to fail to do all I can to bring about the use of both gold and silver as the standard money of the country and to insist upon the coinage of both gold and silver without discriminating against either metal or charge for mintage.-From speech in House of Representatives August 23. 1893.

Hon. Joseph C. Sibley, of Pennsylvania.

Mr. Chairman, to-night, about the banquet boards of the East, there will assemble a distinguished company to do honor to the occasion which calls them together. To-night they worship at the shrine of Andrew Jackson, amidst bubbling fountains of the juice of grape, the air redolent with the perfume of flowers, the tables heaped with costly viands, and with silver tongues and honeyed speech they will prate about Andrew Jackson, a man the least of whose merits they never apprehended, the slightest of whose teachings they never followed, the commonest of whose virtues they never practiced.

He denounced their fathers as a band of human vampires, and their fathers exhausted their epithets of derision and ridicule upon him.

I can imagine Andrew Jackson reincarnated, coming there to-night and listening to those speeches, in which they instill doctrines as contrary to those he taught as are the sounds coming up from the gates of Gehenna different from the choral song of the triumphant angels in glory; instilling teachings the fruit of which are as contrary to those of Jackson as are the fruits that grow in Hades from the fruits that grow on the Tree of Life within the New Jerusalem. (Laughter.)

If that man were reincarnated and should appear there, he would be the most unwelcome guest that ever came within that banquet hall. They would imprison him on the slightest pretext; and the next most unwelcome guest would be the man who dared read his doctrines and repeat to those men the principles that he taught.

The old hero would stay there a few moments, and as he listened to the utterances of those pretended disciples I fancy he would tip the table over in righteous indignation and thrust those apostates into the middle of the street. If there ever was a man on earth who would refuse to grovel at the feet of the money power, that man was Andrew Jackson.-From speech in House of Representatives Jan. 8, 1895.

Hon. W. 1. Terry, of Arkansas.

Mr. Speaker, a great issue is before the American people, and every effort is being made to obscure and counteract it. Personal appeals and personal ambitions, individual antagonisms and local prejudices, avarice, greed, bigotry, and proscription, and every other sentiment repugnant to the spirit

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of true democracy is invoked to deaden real patriotism and to sacrifice every man who, in the trying hour, has dared to stand true to the rights of the American people.

An amazing spectacle is presented by what is being done in public affairs to-day. A few days ago the President sent in to Congress a message which rang like a bugle call, summoning the representatives of the American people to resist the aggressions of the British flag, and now we have presented in this House a bill for the perpetuation of a British standard that has destroyed more values and brought more destitution and misery than all the ravages of war. And yet we are asked to fight the one and to glorify the other, and to surrender to national banks one of the highest functions of national Government. And the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Patterson) has invoked the mighty spirit of Andrew Jackson to consecrate a surrender to British gold. Yesterday we passed a bill to bring about high prices in all protected industries, and to-day we are asked to pass a bill to perpetuate low prices in all industries not protected.

Mr. Speaker, the American people are watching the proceedings of this Congress. They are tired of being made the puppets of the miserable policies that are being pursued, and the time is coming when they will say so in terms and tones that cannot be mistaken. Politicians are inventing makeshifts, but the people will marshal their mighty columns upon the line of living issues, and the conflict that will be fought to a finish is the battle of the standards.-From speech in House of Representatives Dec. 27, 1895.

Gen. A. J. Warner, of Ohio.

Gentlemen, the only honest money is money that maintains stable relations to commodities and preserves an even balance between debtor and creditor. No one claims that money to be honest which constantly depreciates in value, but no more is that money honest which is constantly appreciating in value. Nobody claims that that is good money which loses value in the hands of the holder. But that is the worst money of all that is all the time gaining in value in the hands of the holder. In that case it is the buried talent that gains most. Such money not only robs debtors, but by depressing prices it discourages enterprise, hampers trade, and strangles business. Oh, ye hypocrites! You prate of honest money while you yourselves carry a false balance and false weights-weights which you have made larger that you might gather more to yourselves thereby.-From speech in Ohio Oct. 3, 1891.

Hon. W. A. Jones, of Virginia.

Tighter and tighter is becoming the grasp which the money power has laid upon the nation's throat, and year by year the power of resistance on the part of the people is becoming weaker and weaker. Upon every succeeding Congress a stronger hold is being exerted.

In 1878 the unequal contest waged in behalf of the wealth producers and the wage earners of our land was almost won, but twelve years later, instead