tion the legislatures of two-thirds of the several Stater, shall call a convention for proposing amendments, which in either case shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of this Constitution, when ratified by the legislatures of three-fourths of the several States, or by conventions in three-fourths thereof, as one or the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the Congress, provided that no amendment which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article; and that no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate."

The Constitution thus provides in two ways for its amendment. The first is the one that has hitherto been adopted. No amendment was to affect the clause relating to the prohibition of the slave trade, and the clause relating to a capitation tax. Time, and the course of events, have rendered those restrictions needless. That, forever securing to all the States equal suffrage in the Senate, remains.

Art. 6, § 1. "All debts contracted, and engagements entered into before the adoption of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, as under the Confederation."

This is simply affirming a principle of the law of nations.

Art. 6, § 2. "This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land; and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, any thing in the Constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding."

If this does not express the supremacy of the Constitution to all State constitutions, laws, and ordinances, language cannot be so framed as to do it.

Art. 6, § 3. "The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the several State legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the United States."

The State officers are concerned in many ways in carrying into effect the provisions of the Constitution of the United States, hence it is proper that they be bound by oath to support it. Members of Congress, executive, or judicial officers, cannot labor to overthrow the Constitution and laws of the United States without incurring the guilt of perjury.

Art. 7. "The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the establishment of

this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same."

It will be recollected that when the Constitution went into operation, eleven out of the original thir teen States had ratified the Constitution.

CHAPTER XVIII

AMENDMENTS.

WHEN the Constitution was laid before the people it was objected that it did not contain a bill of rights. "A bill of rights is a written instrument, containing a public declaration of certain general rights of the people, which are held fundamental to their security and protection."

The true answer to this objection is found in the fact that the sole object of the Constitution was to provide for and secure the rights of the people. But to meet this and other objections, the first Congress under the Constitution proposed certain amendments, which, being ratified by the legislatures of threefourths of the States, became a part of the Constitution. These amendments are as follows:

Art. 1. "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to

assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances."

The evils resulting from a connection of the State with the Church, are well known. The experience of some of the colonies, where preference had been given to particular denominations, confirmed the aversion of the people to the union of Church and State. Hence they desired to have in the Constitution a provision guaranteeing religious freedom.

Freedom of speech and of the press is essential to liberty. It was well to place the matter beyond possibility of doubt, by expressly forbidding Congress to encroach on freedom of speech or of the press.

Freedom of speech and of the press may degenerate into licentiousness. This is partially checked by laws forbidding slander. Great evils may result from the licentiousness of the press, but greater evils would follow the power of the government to interfere with its freedom.

There are extravagant and unsound notions current in regard to the freedom of the press. Some seem to think that it secures impunity in doing every kind of wrong that can be perpetrated by means of the press. Such freedom, or license, for it cannot properly be called freedom, would be incompatible with the existence of a free government. An eminent jurist has remarked that freedom of the press consists in laying no previous restraints upon publications, and