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VIII.

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BOOK oftener, if need were, during peace, they should

assemble together at London to speak their minds for the guiding of the people ; how to keep from offences ; live in quiet, and have right done them by ascertained usages and sound judgment.” We may add, that annual and more frequent meetings are often mentioned, but never annual elections.

The place of their assembly was not fixed. After Egbert's accession, the gemot was convened at London, at Kingston, at Wilton, Winton, Cloveshoe, Dorchester, Cyrneceaster, Calne, Ambresbury, Oxford, Gloucester, Ethelwaraburh, Kyrtlenegum, and other places.' Perhaps the place of their meeting depended on the king's residence at the time, and was fixed by his convenience.

Our monarchs seem to have maintained their influence in the witena-gemots by their munificence. One account of their meeting in the time of Edgar is thus given : “All England rejoicing in the placid leisure of tranquil peace, it happened that on a certain paschal solemnity, all the majores of all the country, as well clergy as laymen, of both orders and professions, met at the royal court called by him to celebrate the festivity, and to be honoured by him with royal gifts. Having celebrated the divine mysteries with all alacrity and joy, all went to the palace to refresh their bodies. Some days having been passed away, the king's hall resounded with acclamations. The streets murmured with the busy hum of men. None felt entirely a

8 Mirror, c. i. s. 2.

• Sax. Chron. 142. 161.168. 124. 128. 163. 146. Heming. 93. MS. Cott. Aug. 2. 20. Astle's MS. Chart. No. 8. No. 12. MS. Cleop. B. 13. MS. Claud. c. 9. 121.

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refusal of the royal munificence; for all were mag- CHAP. nificently rewarded with presents of various sorts and value, in vessels, vestments, or the best

horses. 107

The king presided at the witena-gemots, and sometimes, perhaps always, addressed them. In 993 we have this account of a royal speech. The king says, in a charter which recites what had passed at one of their meetings, “I benignantly addressed to them salutary and pacific words. I admonished all — that those things which were worthy of the Creator, and serviceable to the health of my soul, or to my royal dignity, and which ought to prevail as proper for the English people, they might, with the Lord's assistance, discuss in common." 11

The speech of Edgar, in favour of the monks, is stated at length in one of our old Chroniclers. 12

It has been already mentioned, that one of their duties was to elect the sovereign, and to assist at his coronation. Another was to co-operate with the king in making laws. Thus Bede says, of the earliest laws we have, that Ethelbert established them “ with the counsel of his wise men.” 13 The introductory passages of the Anglo-Saxon laws which exist, usually express that they were made with the concurrence of the witan.

The witena-gemot appears also to have made treaties jointly with the king; for the treaty with Guthrun and the Danes thus begins: “This is the treaty which Ælfred, king, and Gythrun, king, and all the witan of England, and all the people in East

10 3 Gale's Script. p. 395. 12 Eth. Abb. Ailr.

1 MS. Claud. c. 9. p. 122. 13 Bede, lib. ii. e. 5.

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BOOK Anglia, (that is, the Danes,) have made and fast. ened with oath." 14 In 1011, it is said, that the

.' king and his witan sent to the Danes and desired peace, and promised tribute and supply. 15

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On another occasion, the Saxon Chronicle states, that the king sent to the hostile fleet an ealdorman, who, with the word of the king, and his witan, made peace with them. 16

In 1016, it expresses that Eadric, the ealdorman, and the witan who were there, counselled, that the kings (Edmund and Canute) should make peace between them.” In 1002, the king ordered, and his witan, the money to be paid to the Danes, and peace to be made. 18 The treaty, printed in Wilkins' Leges Anglo-Saxonicæ, p. 104., is said to have been made by the king and his witan.

They are also mentioned to us as assisting the king in directing the military preparations of the kingdom. Thus in 992, the Saxon Chronicle says, that “the king ordered, and all his witan, that men should gather together all the ships that were to go to London.” 19 In 999, the king, with his witan, ordered that both the ship fyrde and the land fyrde should be led against the Danes. 20 So, in 1052, the king decreed, and his witan, that men should proceed with the ships to Sandwich ; and they set Raulf, eorl, and Oddan, eorl, to heafod-mannum (to be the head-men) thereto. 21

IMPEACHMENTS of great men were made before the witena-gemot. Some instances may be concisely narrated.

In 1048, the king, conceiving that he had cause of complaint against the family

14 Wilk. Leg. Angl. 47. 16 Ibid. 132.

17 Ibid. 150. 19 Ibid. 126.

20 Ibid. 130.

15 Chron. 140.

18 Ibid. 132. 21 Ibid. 165.

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of the famous Godwin, convened the witena-gemot. CHAP. The family armed. The witan ordered that both sides should desist from hostilities, and that the king should give God's peace and his full friend. ship to both sides. Then the king and his witan directed another witena-gemot to be assembled at London on the next harvest equinox, and the king ordered the army on the south and north of the Thames to be bannan.

At this gemot, eorl Swain, one of Godwin's sons, was declared an utlah (outlaw); and Godwin

; and his other son, Harold, were cited to attend the gemot as speedily as possible. They approached, and desired peace and hostages, that they might come into the gemot and quit it without treachery. They were again cited, and they repeated their demand. Hostages were refused them, and five days of safety only were allowed them to leave the country. They obeyed, and went exiles into Flanders. 22

We have another instance of the great council both banishing and pardoning. A great gemot, in 1052, was assembled at London, which “ all the eorls and the best men in the country

" attended. There Godwin made his defence, and purged himself before his lord the king and all the people, that he was guiltless of the crime charged on him and his sons. The king forgave him and his family, and restored them their possessions and the earldom. But the archbishop and all the Frenchmen were banished. 23

The same power was exerted in 1055. A witеnagemot was assembled seven days before Mid-Lent,

22 Sax. Chron. 164.

23 Ibid. 168.

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24

BOOK and eorl Elfgar was outlawed for high treason, or,

as it is expressed, because he was a swica, a betrayer of the king and all his people. His earldom was given to another,

So all the optimates meeting at Cyrnceaster, in the reign of Ethelred, banished Elfric for high treason, and confiscated all his possessions to the

king. 25

At a great council, held in 716, one of their main objects is expressed to have been to examine anxiously into the state of the churches and monasteries in Kent, and their possessions. 28

At these councils, grants of lands were made and confirmed. The instances of this are innumerable. Thus, in 811, Cenwulf, at a very great council convened in London, gave some lands of his own right, with the advice and consent of the said council.27 It would be tedious to enumerate all the grants which we know of, where the consent of the council is stated. Many have been already alluded to.

Ar the council in 716, they forbad any layman taking any thing from the monastery therein named ; and they freed the lands belonging to it from various impositions and payments. 28

At the council in 824, they inquired into the necessities of the secular deputies, as well as into the monastical disciplines, and into the ecclesi

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24 Sax. Chron. 169.
25 MS. Claud. c. 9. 123, 124.
26 Astle's MS. Chart. No. 2.

27 Ibid. No. 8. But it would seem that even the kings could not grant lands without the consent of the witena-gemot, for a gift of land by a king is mentioned : “Sed, quia non fuit de consensu magnatum regni, donum id non potuit valere.” i Dug. Mon. 20.

28 Ibid. No. 2.

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