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VI.

the Scholia of Maximus, on Gregory the theolo- CHAP. gian. He dedicated this last work to Charles, the French king, at whose command he had undertaken both.52 At the request of Hincmar, the archbishop, and another, he wrote on predestination against Gotheschalcus 3 ; he composed also a book De Visione Dei 54 ; and another, De Corpore et Sanguine Domini. This last was written at the request of Charles the Bald, who was a great patron of letters. This book was peculiarly unfortunate.

56

gena, for their “principal but est de parler des mystères d'une maniere curieuse et recherchée, de les expliquer suivant les principes de la philosophie de Platon et en des termes platoniciens,” p. 104.

51 This was Gregory Nazianzen. Maximus, opposing some theological opinions which the imperial court approved, perished 662. Dupin, t. vi. John's translation was published by Dr. Gale, at the end of his treatise De Divisione Naturæ, ed. Ox. 1681.

52 So he declares in his dedication. He tells the king, “ Difficilimum prorsus (orthodoxissime regum) servulo vestro imbecilli valde etiam in Latinis quanto magis in Græcis, laborem injunxistis." He states, that what he found in Dionysius obscure and incomprehensible, Maximus had very lucidly explained. He particularizes instances which are certainly among the most recondite, and happily most useless topics of theological logic.

53 Fab. Bib. Med. 1. ix. c. 401. This brought upon John, besides Prudentius Tricassimus, Florus of Lyons, who attacked him in the name of the Church at Lyons. Fab. 1. iv. c. 194.; and Cave, Hist. Lit. 447.

54 Mabillon found this in MS. It begins, “Omnes sensus corporei ex conjunctione nascuntur animæ et corporis.” Fab. Med. 1. ix. p. 401.

55 Fab. p. 404.

56 Heric, the bishop of Austin, says, in his letter to Charles in 876, “Quidquid igitur literæ possunt, quidquid assequuntur ingenia vobis debent.' Bouquet, vii. p. 563. The editor quotes a monk of Saint Denys, in the same age, who says, “Karolus — disciplinas adeo excoluit ut earum ipse quarundam munere sagacissime fungeretur,” ibid. A passage of Heric's letter deserves quotation, because what he hints of the emigration of Irish literature may account for Eri. gena's being in France: “Quid Hiberniam memorem, contempto pelagi discrimine, pene totam cum grege philosophorum ad littora nostra migrantem— quorum quisque peritior est, ultro sibi indicit exilium ut Solomoni sapientissimo famuletur ad votum.” Bouq. vii. p. 563. VOL. III.

E E

BOOK It was assailed by several ecclesiastics, and ad

judged to the flames.57

IX.

His principal work was, his Treatise De Divisione Naturæ, a dialogue which is distinguished for its Aristotelian acuteness, and extensive information. In his discussions on the nature of the Deity, and in considering how far his usual attributes describe his nature, or but metaphorically allude to it, he manifests great subtlety.58 On the applicability of the categories of Aristotle to the same Being, he is also very acute and metaphysical; and he concludes that none of the categories are in this case applicable, except perhaps that of relation, and even this but figuratively.59 In his consideration, whether the category place be a substance or an accident, he takes occasion to give concise and able definitions of the seven liberal arts, and to express his opinion on the composition of things. 60 In another part, he inserts a very elaborate discussion on arithmetic, which, he says, he had learnt from his infancy. 61 He also details a curious conversation on the elements of things, on the motions of the heavenly bodies, and other topics of astronomy and physiology. Among these, he even gives the means of calculating the diameters of the lunar and solar circles. 62 Besides the fathers, Austin, the two Gregorys, Chrysostom, Basil, Epiphanius, Origen, Jerome, and Ambrosius, of whose works, with the Platonising Dionysius, and Maximus, he gives large extracts; he also quotes Virgil, Cicero, Aristotle, Pliny, Plato, and Boetius; he details the opinions of Eratosthenes 63, and of Pythagoras on some astronomical topics 64; he also cites Martianus Capella. 65 His knowledge of Greek appears almost in every page.

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61 Ibid.

57 In 1050 and in 1059, an old Chronicler speaks apparently of this book, when he says of Berengarius, “Joannem Scotum igni comburens, cujus lectione ad hanc nefarium devolutus fuerat sectam.” Fab. p. 404.

58 De Divisione Naturæ, p. 6–11.
59 Ibid. p. 13.
60 Ibid. p. 18, 19.

p. 111. 62 Ibid. p. 144-149.

63 Ibid. p. 146, 147. 149. 64 Ibid. p. 145—149.

65 Ibid. p. 147, 148. This ancient author, whose era is not ascertained, (though he must have preceded Gregory of Tours, who mentions him), left nine books, two De Nuptiis Philologiæ, the other

on the seven liberal arts. His work was twice printed with innumerable mistakes. Grotius, in his fourteenth year, aston

seven

VI.

The Divisio Naturæ certainly indicates great CHAP. curiosity and research of mind, though it rather exercises ingenuity than conveys information. In a future age, when such disquisitions were offensive to that anti-christian despotism which was spreading its clouds over the European hemisphere, a pope, Honorius III., issued a bull to declare, that it « abounded with the worms of heretical de. pravity.” He complains, that it was received into monasteries, and that “ scholastic men, more fond of novelty than was expedient, occupied themselves studiously in reading it.” He therefore commands, that they “ solicitously seek for it every where; and, if they safely could, that they send it to him to be burnt, or to burn it themselves." He excommunicates all such as should keep a copy fifteen days after notice of this order.66 As all inquiries of the human mind must be accompanied by many errors, it is a lamentable abuse of power to pursue the speculative to death or infamy for efforts of thinking, which, if wrong, the next critic or literary opponent is best fitted to detect and overthrow. No error, if left to itself, will be a

The re

ished the world, by correcting justly almost all the errors.
collection of this induced Vossius to say, “ Quo Batavo— nihil nunc
undique eruditius, vel sol videt, vel solum sustinet.” Hist. Lat. 713.
How highly Capella was once esteemed, may be inferred from the
panegyric of Gregory of Tours, lib. x. c. 31. p. 243. Barthius, one of
those great scholars whose race is now extinct, says of him, “ Jam ante
ipsos, mille annos tanta Capellæ hujus auctoritas, ut qui eum teneret,
videretur omnium artium arcana nosse.” Adversaria, c. 23. p. 409.
Barthius describes his work thus : “ Tota fere ibi Cyclopædia novem
chartis absoluta est, cum innumeris interioris sapientiæ mysteriis
versu atque prosa oratione indicatis et propositis," ib. p. 960. For
what is known of Capella, see Fab. Bib. Lat. iii. p. 213—224.

66 See this bull at length in Fab. Bib. Med. lib. ix. 402. It is dated 10 Kal. Feb. 1225.

BOOK perennial plant. No power can prevent, though it may retard, the growth of truth.

IX.

ERIGENA was in great favour with Charles. The king, one day as they were feasting opposite to each other, took occasion to give him a gentle rebuke for some irregularity, by asking him, "What separates a Scot from a sot ?" The philosopher, with ready wit, retorted, "The table." 67 The king had the good sense and friendship to smile at the turn. AT another time, when he was at table, the servants brought in a dish containing two large fishes, and a very small one. John was a thin little man, and was sitting near two ecclesiastics of vast size. The king bade him divide the fish with them. John, whose cheerful mind was always alive to pleasantry, conveyed the two large fishes into his own. plate, and divided the little one between the ecclesiastics. The king accused him of an unfair partition. "Not so," says John. "Here are two large fishes," pointing to his plate, one," alluding to himself.

66

"with a small

There are also two large ones," looking at the divines, "and a little one," pointing to their plates. 68

AFTER Charles's death, he was invited to England by Alfred, whose munificence rewarded his talents; he placed him at Malmsbury, and also at Ethelingey.

The Latin words

67 Matt. West. 333. Malmsb. 3 Gale, 360. which John so readily converted into a pun that retorted the king's sarcasm on himself, are "Quid distat inter sottum et Scottum ?"

68 Malmsb. 3 Gale, 361. That John was an inmate in Charles's palace, we also learn from his contemporary, Pardulas, who says, "Scotum illum qui est in palatio regis Johannem nomine." Testim. prefixed.

69 Venitque ad regem Elfredum cujus munificentia illectus et magisterio ejus, ut ex scriptis regis intellexi, sublimis Melduni resedit. Malmsb. 361.

CHAP.
VI.

The life of John ended unfortunately; he was stabbed by the boys he taught. That he died

70 violently, will not be questioned; but a controversy accompanies the catastrophe.7l

The proficiency and examples of Bede and Alcuin, and their pupils and friends, seemed to promise an age of literary cultivation; and the prosperity of Egbert's reign, which immediately followed, was favourable to the realisation of this hope. But the fierce invasions of the Northmen

70 So Malmsb. 361. The same words are in Matt. West. 334. ; and Hoveden, 419.; and Fordun, 670.

71 The question is, whether Erigena, whom William kills at Malmsbury, is the same of whom Asser says, that he was placed by Alfred over his new monastery at Ethelingey, and that some malicious monks hired two lads to kill him at midnight, when he came to pray alone at the altar, p. 61. My own opinion is, that they are not two persons; 1st. Asser, in page 47., talks of a John, who, by the traits he gives, was Erigena. He there styles him merely “ Johannem presbyterum et monachum,” and he has the same phrases of the John killed at Ethelingey, in p. 61. . 2d. Ingulf expressly places Erigena at Ethelingey, p. 27. 3d. Asser says the John of Ethelingey was stabbed by two French lads, “ duos servulos,” 62.; and it is rather improbable that another John should at the same time be killed in the same place by lads. 4th. The ancient epitaph quoted by Malmsbury says he was martyred, which is an expression very suitable to Asser's account of his being stabbed at the altar when praying, and of the assassins intending to drag his body to a prostitute's door. 5th. Asser's account agrees with Malmsbury's, as to his assassins being lads, whom he taught ; for Asser says, that Alfred placed in that monastery French children to be taught. 6th. The mode of the assassination is the same in both. Malmsbury says, 361., “ Animam exuit tormento gravi et acerbo ut dum iniquitas valida et manus infirma sæpe frustaretur et sæpe impeteret, amaram mortem obiret.” I understand this to imply many wounds, and not immediate death. Asser says, “ Et crudelibus afficiunt vulneribus,” p. 63.; and that the monks found him not dead, and brought him home so, “semivivum colligentes cum gemitu et mærore domum reportaverunt,” p. 64. I think it is improbable that two persons of the same name and station should at the same time have experienced the same singular catastrophe. I would rather suppose that Erigena had been abbot of both places, and therefore the memory of the crime was preserved at both. Asser had the property of two monasteries given to him by Alfred, p. 50.

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