80,000. But we have a far more striking divergence when we compare the votes cast in the intermediate years when there was no presidential campaign. Thus, while Governor Black received 212,000 in 1896, Governor Roosevelt was elected in 1898 by a little under 18,000. While Governor Odell received 111,000 in 1900, his plurality in 1902 was short of 9000. While Governor Higgins was elected by 80,000 in 1904, in the last election all the Republican candidates for State offices, save one, were defeated.

cess.

The Republican who fails to realize the significance of these figures is paying little attention to the demands of the people of the State and the relation of these demands to party sucUndoubtedly there were special circumstances in the case of each election. But it is clearly evident that on State issues the Republican party will be doomed to defeat unless it gives new assurances to the people of its capacity to govern in their interest.

Now, I do not profess to be versed in the wisdom of politics, and I make no claim to knowledge of political strategy. But I do know this: That if the Republican party expects to succeed in this State it must support every effort to give efficient administration.

No man is a friend of the Republican party who asks me or any one in authority to appoint a man or to retain a man who is not equal to his job. If you want a strong party organization, then let it be insisted upon that no man can expect the support of the organization who does not make good. Make it a point of honor to demand the best service for the State. Let us devote ourselves to meeting the need of the hour by providing just and effective measures for the correction of abuses. The Republican party has the vantage ground; it has the opportunity; there is no reason why it should yield it to its opponents.

I make no request for personal support. So far as I am personally concerned my interests lie in a profession to which I would be glad to devote myself. But I am desirous that the Republican party should take advantage of its opportunity to convince the people that it can be trusted to meet their demand in furnishing competent administration of every department of government, and in the enforcement of the laws, and in the enactment of the legislation that is required to protect the people against the misuse of the privileges they have bestowed. For that policy I do desire support. I desire the support of the Republican organization.

I am grateful for the assurances that have been received. Let there be a demonstration that we are a party of the people and that the interest of all citizens is safe in our keeping.

Let us put an end to graft and to favors to special interests. Let organization be skilful and leaders be masterful, but let all seek to secure an administration of which all the people may be proud, and the party which has given the nation Lincoln, Grant, McKinley, and Roosevelt need not fear defeat.

II.

Speech at the National Arbitration and Peace Congress, New York City, April 15, 1907.

It is not my function to deliver a formal address upon any of the topics which will engage your attention, but rather in the name of the State of New York to bid you a hearty welcome. It is my pleasant duty to express the gratification of our citizens at the meeting of this Congress and their appreciation of the important influences which must radiate from such a representative assemblage.

It is fitting that this meeting should be held in a State representing in so conspicuous a degree the varied activities of peace, and in a metropolis which focusses the energies of a people who, in beneficent concord, without desire of conquest or lust of power, are working out their destiny inspired by national ideals of equality and justice. As a New Yorker, and as one representing the State in an official capacity, I find it agreeable to recall the names

of its distinguished sons who have contributed in a marked manner to achievements in the interest of the peace of the world. You will not think it amiss if I claim for this rôle of honor the foremost citizen of the Nation, whose Federal activities have not obscured his relationship to his native State, and the lustre of whose fame as President of the Republic has been heightened by his service as pacificator. And New York has also given to the Nation the eminent public servant who has addressed you, the keeper of our foreign interests, in whose wise diplomacy every citizen is assured of the astute and jealous defence of our peaceful policies. We may also claim by right of his adoption the presiding genius of this Congress, whose personal interest and generous benefactions have contributed so notably to the progress of this world

movement.

When the first Peace Congress met at The Hague, three of the six representatives of the United States were New Yorkers,-Andrew D. White, the scholar and veteran diplomatist; that eminent citizen of this metropolis, Seth Low; and the lamented Frederick William Holls, the versatile secretary of the American Commission and the historian of the work of