and when the Communists and Communist sympathizers were picketing the White House under the auspices of the American Peace Mobilization, a large number of the C. I. O. industrial union councils were committed en masse to the objectives of that subversive organization. These included some of the largest and most influential of the industrial union councils. In other words, these C. I. O. industrial union councils put themselves on record publicly as enemies of the United States and its military preparedness program. They and their leaders could, we believe, have been easily and successfully prosecuted for sedition-but, of course, were not so prosecuted.

Publicly affiliated with the American Peace Mobilization were C. I. O. industrial union councils which included the following: Greater New York Industrial Union Council, Bridgeport Industrial Union Council, Cleveland Industrial Union Council, Connecticut Industrial Union Council, Milwaukee County Industrial Union Council, Seattle Industrial Union Council, Washington Undustrial Union Council, and Texas Industrial Union Council. From the very wide extent of territory which the foregoing industrial union councils covered, it may be readily understood how extensively the influence of the Communist Party was wielded throughout the country.

Precisely the same subversive industrial union councils (named in the foregoing paragraph), together with scores of others, now constitute the backbone of Sidney Hillmen's C. I. O. Political Action Committee. The Communists have not become one whit less subversive or more American because they are working today through the C. I. O. Political Action Committee rather then, as yesterday, through the American Peace Mobilization. It would be the height of political naïveté to assume that Communists could switch so easily from sedition to superpatriotism, as they blendly pretend.

The industrial union councils are entitled to delegates in the national annual convention of the C. I. O. Through their control of many of these industrial union councils, many Communists and Communist sympathizers obtain seats in the C. I. Ö.'s national conventions. Among those who are notorious for their communist front affiliations and who also obtained seats at the national C. I. O. convention (Philadelphia, 1943) as representatives of industrial union councils were the following:

Meyer Adelman
Harold Christoffel
Philip M. Connelly

Arthur Daronatsy

Len De Caux

James Drury

Fullerton Fulton
Sander Genis
Bjorne Halling
Mel J. Heinritz

J. F. Jurich
Saul Mills
Luverne Noon
Lee Pressman
George Wilson

Of the foregoing list, Adelman, Connelly, Daronatsy, and Jurich were affiliated with the American Peace Mobilization.

Harold Christoffel is the Communist who led the costly AllisChalmers strike.

Len De Caux and Sander Genis were affiliated with the American League Against War and Fascism.

Fullerton Fulton is on the board of directors of the Communist Party's Abraham Lincoln School of Chicago.

Bjorne Halling was a leader of the Yanks Are Not Coming movement in which the Communist Party was the principal agent.

Philip M. Connelly, J. F. Jurich, Saul Mills, and Lee Pressman are discussed in separate chapters in this report.

We reiterate that the local activities of the C. I. O. Political Action Committee are based largely upon the machinery of the industrial union councils into which Communists have penetrated so successfully.

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COMMUNISM IN THE C. I. O.

Two men, more than any others, were responsible for the split in ranks of organized labor which led to the creation of the C. I. O. Those two men are John L. Lewis and Sidney Hillman.

In 1938 and 1939, the Special Committee on Un-American Activities did all that was humanly possible within the scope of its powers to warn John L. Lewis and other leaders of the C. I. O. that the Communists were moving in on their organization en masse. Their only response to the committee was silence or abusive language.

On February 29, 1944, John L. Lewis made a public statement concerning Communists in the C. I. O. (New York Times, February 29, 1944, p. 1). Belated as this statement may be, it confirms in toto what the Special Committee on Un-American Activities found 5 years ago and what it finds today. Lewis' statement, as quoted in the New York Times, reads as follows:

When I was organizing the C. I. O. we picked up a lot of Communists in one unit after another as we grew-including Harry Bridges. But if I had not resigned the chairmanship and left the C. I. O. in 1940 I can tell you the Communists would have been weeded out of the C. I. O. long before now. Instead, as anyone might expect who has seen them throw their weight around inside labor organizations, the Communists dominate the C. I. O. today.

Philip Murray is today the prisoner of the Communists in his own union. They control him and the C. I. O. through their seats on his executive committee. And there isn't a blessed thing he can do about it.

Sidney Hillman is just as badly off. Both of them have got to play ball with the Communists now, or die.

As heroic Russia battles against our German enemy in Europe, the Communists in our labor movement naturally hang on to the coattails of the Red Army and try to build an ideological bridge between our loyalty to Russia and their own pet schemes. This is a sheer abuse of our good will toward Russia. And, of course, the Communists in our labor unions are not even good Russians.

What good citizen is not for a Russian victory over Germany in this war? Yet the Communists in the unions play hard on the trick idea that America cannot fight side by side with Russia and at the same time fight against American Communists and fellow travelers here. That is an outrageous contention.

The Special Committee on Un-American Activities finds that Communist leadership is strongly entrenched in the following unions which are at present affiliated with the C. I. O.:

American Communications Association.

International Federation of Architects, Engineers, Chemists, and Technicians.

International Fur and Leather Workers Union.

International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union.

International Union of Fishermen and Allied Workers of America.

International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers.

International Woodworkers of America.

Marine Cooks and Stewards Association of the Pacific Coast.

National Maritime Union of America.

State, County, and Municipal Workers of America.

Transport Workers Union of America.

United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing, and Allied Workers of America.
United Electrical, Radio, and Machine Workers of America.

United Farm Equipment and Metal Workers of America.

United Federal Workers of America.

United Furniture Workers of America.

United Gas, Coke, and Chemical Workers of America.
United Office and Professional Workers of America.

United Packinghouse Workers of America.

United Shoe Workers of America.

United Stone and Allied Products Workers of America.

The foregoing unions constitute a majority of all the unions affiliated with the C. I. O. It will be noted that these unions cover fields in which the most vital interests of the American nation are involvedshipping, munitions, and communications for example. It is a startling fact that these fields have their hundreds of thousands of employees organized under the leadership of Communists.

7

COMMUNISTS IN TRADE-UNIONS

It is not our purpose in this report to enter into any lengthy discussion of the underlying theories which guide the Communists in their efforts to gain control of unions. There is a voluminous literature on that subject which the Communists themselves have published, which we cannot deal with here.

Nevertheless, a few citations from this Communist literature will throw light upon their union activities as they are now conducted through the C. I. O. Political Action Committee and as they were conducted during the wave of political and sabotage strikes prior to the dissolution of the Stalin-Hitler Pact.

The official program of the Communist International, which William Z. Foster, head of the American Communist Party, testified before the committee that he accepted, has the following to say about the place of trade-unions in Communist objectives:

It is particularly important for the purpose of winning over the majority of the proletariat, to gain control of the trade-unions, which are genuine mass working-class organizations closely bound up with the everyday struggles of the working class. To work in reactionary trade-unions and skillfully to gain control of them, to win the confidence of the broad masses of the industrially organized workers, to change and "remove from their posts" the reformist leaders, represent important tasks in the preparatory period.

In other words, it is the declared program of the Communist Party to do its utmost to gain control of the trade-unions in the period preparatory to its planned revolution.

To this end, the official Program of the Communist Internationalto which Earl Browder, general secretary of the Communist Party, also avowed his loyalty under oath before the committee-also states:

It is the bounden duty of every Communist to belong to a trade-union, even a most reactionary one, provided it is a mass organization. Only by constant and persistent work in the trade-unions and in the factories for the steadfast and energetic defense of the interests of the workers, together with ruthless struggle against the reformist bureaucracy, will it be possible to win the leadership in the workers' struggle and to win the industrially organized workers over to the side of the party.

An early declaration of the Communist Party in the United States laid down a principle which has from the beginning guided its policy in the trade-unions. That declaration said:

The labor unions must be revolutionized; they must be won for the class struggle against capitalism.

Concerning trade-unions, Stalin wrote, in one of his many books published by the Communist Party in the United States, thatthey constitute a school of communism.

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