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LETTER XXX.

Public Faith.-Natural Rights of Citizens. - Acts. - Records. - States are exclusive. - Clanish Nationalities. - Union Sentiments. - Privileges and Immunities Mutual. - Missouri Compromise. - Fugitives from Justice, their Extradition.—Treaties. — Mutual Control shared by the Women. Sharpe's Rifles. - Slip-shod Sermons.

WE come now to miscellaneous matters incident to and consequent upon the establishment of the United States government.

ARTICLE IV.

Miscellaneous.

SECTION I.

"1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state to the public acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other state. And the Congress may, by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings shall be proved, and the effect thereof."

In consequence of our Union the several states have been stripped of the predicate foreign. And this is, indeed, the only loss these districts or institutions have suffered by it. It is one of the most conspicuous state-rights to be exclusive, foreign. Without our Union, Rhode Island would be a foreign country to Massachusetts, and Connecticut to New York. Our states have lost nothing else by it, rather gained every blessing desirable from state organizations. The laws and acts of foreign nations are not judicially taken notice of by other nations, but must be proved, like other facts, when they come under examination. Thus, without our Union, a marriage contract entered into in Massachusetts would not be conclusive in Georgia, and so vice versa. Our Union has equalized and domesticated our public affairs, they have thus acquired the character of common family affairs. Our Union has done away with those dynastic, clanish, European nationalities; and if, from custom, we speak and write in the European fashion, of a north or south, of a South Carolinian or a New-England man, it proves that neither ocean, nor distance, nor nativity, nor time, nor laws are able to destroy easily old habits.

No business what

ever, not even bound labor, should have the least biasing influence upon our Union sentiments.

This clause is calculated to endear the Union and strengthen our Union feelings. We shall presently meet more of the same noble, generous, and just nature.

SECTION II.

"1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several states."

The federal constitution aims at nothing but rational liberty. There is no liberty without order established by certain rules and mutuality. Liberty without order is anarchy, as order and rule without liberty is despotism. Where justice prevails, there is equality of rights before the law.

The clause before you expressly sanctions a just, mutual, equal relation among the citizens. It makes the whole vast realm of the United States one home for their citizens; it excludes all sectional preferences, distinctions, and divisions; it condemns the Mason and Dixon lines, Missouri compromises, etc. As we all have the same citizen rights, so we have the same obligations. We have men in our society with monarchical and tyrannical dispositions, just as there are republicans in monarchies. This inborn tyrannical disposition to enforce our rules and views upon others, who differ from them and prefer to live after their own, is curbed by this clause. It makes it impossible that the United States can be converted into a "societas leonina."

"2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony, or other crime, who shall flee from justice and be found in another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority of the state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime."

A state being organized for the main purpose of realizing justice, it obviously is one of its first duties to protect society against law-breaking men. To make a state a hiding-place for criminals is a monstrous idea, and diametrically opposed to its nature and purpose. Still the before-mentioned state privilege to be foreign, to have nothing common with other states, necessarily makes them a kind of asylum for criminals. This abominable abuse of the state institution at home has been, at once, destroyed by our Union.

Among foreign states treaties are necessary for this purpose. In regard to foreign states the difficulty consists in their peculiar policy. If they are ruled justly and do not stamp acts as crimes which are not such, and which in other states are, perhaps, laudable deeds, there nobody will fly from justice, except real felons or criminals, of whom alone this clause is treating.

You see, my dear children, what our Union is, and ought to be. Political affairs partake of the twofold nature of all things, that is, they may be managed wisely or foolishly. A strong, irresistible sense of justice, a manly, unwavering execution of the laws as they are, and a watchful eye over our own conduct and that of others, in regard to constitutions and laws, will keep things right. This mutual political control is one of the strongest pillars of republican forms of governments. The eyes of the officials can not be everywhere, but the eyes of the citizen can. Women, also, wield a large share of this control. Be careful, then, whom you admit to your fireside; frown upon the enemies and revilers of our Union; do not listen to the rebellious demagogue; do not applaud the tirades of a bold partisan by trade; do not give money for Sharpe's rifles, to be used instead of ballot-boxes; listen not to partisan, slip-shod sermons; never countenance treason, and rebellion, and crime, under whatever form and pretext. This will help a good deal to keep peace, and settle all differences in a just, honest, constitutional manner.

LETTER XXXI.

Man given to Lying. -Imperfect Laws. - Force opposed to Law. -Fugitives from Service and Labor, their Extradition. - Apprentices. Sailors. -Bound Laborers. - Claim upon them for Outlay, to be respected and protected by all Civil Governments. - Property-right to Labor-forces. Its Market Price. - Property-right of Parents to the Use of the Laborforces of their Children. - Bound Labor is Personal, Serfdom is Glebose. Abolition Agitation is Glebose. - Englishmen and Russians are Glebose. Territorial Feudal Rights. - Free Labor-force, increased by Immigration. - Gradually extending South. - Seigneurs. - Manor-born Subjects. Labor in Spain and Portugal and the Southern States. - Jamaica. — Few real Free Men. Immense Number of Laws. Europeans are Subjects

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or Matter. Captain Ingraham. - Austrian Emperor. - English King in the War of 1812. - English Abolitionism explained. - American Society Africanized by Abolition of Slavery.- Duke of Sutherland. - Property in Man. Men of Property. - Loafers. Hereditary Governments. Subordinate Races. Difference between Monarchies and Re

France.

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publics. Industry of the Southern People. Savage Men, their Training by Industry. Manumission of Bound Laborers. - Serfs sold with Property, and belong to it.-Judge Loring. - Travelling with Bound Servants. - Africa no Place for Culturing their Savage Inhabitants. —Not improved by the Greeks and Romans. -Frenchmen. Bound Labor is under Municipal Government. A Bound Laborer is no Citizen. - Territories.. Missouri Line. — District of Columbia. — Fanaticism in Law-making. Party Press. Boston Journal in favor of Constitutional Monarchy.Canadian Paper prognosticating the end of the Union. -Nobility after Abolition of Bound Labor. — King Bomba, Emperors of France, and Austria, and Hayti. - Boston Notions. — American Women.

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WE come now to a clause which has caused serious misunderstandings, but without the least sufficient reason. Man is not only much given to lying, as Shakespeare has it, but also to doing wrong, without being naturally inclined to bear the consequences of either. There will always be laws which are not, in some respects, what they ought to be. Little is perfect in our world. Still in a society where man has all practicable means and remedies at his disposition, to express his opinions about laws, and to have them altered or repealed, and where every one who has the right of voting, virtually has a share in law-making-in such a

society, I am going to say, the use of force against existing laws and their executors, is one of the most censurable and contemptible acts or crimes imaginable. Such an act characterizes the most dangerous enemy of social order. This use of force has happened oft times in regard to the congressional law, making the following clause operative :—

"3. No person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due."

This clause is the origin of that law which is generally known by the name of fugitive-slave law. It is applicable to all persons engaged to service as apprentices, etc., and must find a place in a constitution of a real confederation, whether there be a single bound laborer within its limits or not. If a sailor engaged to service in the state of New York escapes into another state, he may be claimed there, and ought to be delivered up. Such cases would happen daily if it would be profitable to prosecute them. However in regard to bound laborers such claims are of importance, because the party to whom labor is due has bestowed considerable expenses upon such laborers, by raising them, or remunerating others for those expenses. This constitutes a great civil or judicial difference between bound and free labor, so often lost sight of by sentimentalists and fanatics. The raising of a man, his support in healthy and sick days, the care bestowed upon him to make him a useful being, entitles to a return or remuneration, which should, as a property-right, be acknowledged by all legislatures in Canada and elsewhere, who aim at the realization of justice. It is a rightful claim to the person raised, upon which land has not the least influence. This return is given by the use of the labor-force of the servant or laborer, which to control and maintain is connected with great difficulties and risk, unknown in the employment of free labor. The right to this USE has, of course, a market value. It is but witty, or rather malicious, to compare a bound laborer with cattle, because not his weight, that is, muscles or bones, are in question, but merely the use of his labor-force, or the right to it, which also determines the price of free labor. When now the laws of all civilized nations expressly acknowledge a property-right of a parent to the use of

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