SENATE. The Indians. [JAN. 25, 1830. Mr. BENTON then rose, and addressed the Senate the white people, their situation is daily deteriorating, and about an hour in continuation of the speech which he com-their population decreasing. Justice calls for a correct menced yesterday, in reply to Mr. WEBSTER, (for which statement respecting the condition of these tribes. I want, see the consolidated report.) Mr. BELL now moved that the further consideration of the resolution be postponed to Monday, but the motion was negatived: ayes 13, noes 18. Mr. HAYNE then took the floor, and spoke about an hour in reply to Mr. WEBSTER'S remarks of yesterday; when The Senate adjourned to Monday. MONDAY, JANUARY 25, 1830. THE INDIANS. The following resolution, which was submitted on Thursday, by Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN, was taken up for consideration: "Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to furnish to the Senate any information in the possession of his Department, respecting the progress of civilization, for the last eight years, among the Cherokee, Creek, and Choctaw nations of Indians, east of the Mississippi, and the present state of education, civil government, agriculture, and the mechanic arts, among those nations." said Mr. F. to meet the reasons which have been urged for the removal of these people. I want it to be shown to the Senate how true these representations are with re gard to these same Indians. With regard to them, and especially to the Cherokees, we are bound to afford every possible encouragement in their improvement. They are rising every day in moral elevation; they are leaving be bind them the habits of the savage life; and have established for themselves a civil government; they are entering upon the arts of peace, agriculture, eommerce, and mechanics; they know the obligations of law; and in regard to population, instead of its approaching to annihilation or melting away, they have outstripped the whites in any section of country. I have proposed this resolution, therefore, because I wish to be able to meet the reasons which now assail us, that unless we remove these people, their population will soon melt away. It is in vain we attempt to disguise the tendency of such proceedings. It is my wish, then, said Mr. F. to obtain such information as will enable me to meet those reasons fairly, fully, and fearlessly; and on the faith of treaties, to show that we are pledged to enMr. FORSYTH said he could have no objections to the courage and protect these people. I want to be enabled inquiry which the resolution proposed, but he desired to prove that they need no such assistance as that profthat it should be more comprehensive in the information fered to prevent their annihilation. If we only leave which it was the object of the gentleman to procure. If them where the faith of treaties renders it obligatory the gentleman is of a different opinion, I hope [said Mr. on us to leave them, they will raise themselves to a high F. he will show the reasons he had for confining the re- moral clevation; they will sceure for themselves a solution to the three nations of Indians east of the Missis- strength and stability of eivil government, and will make a sippi, the Cherokee, the Creek, and the Choctaw. rapid progress in the cultivation of the arts. would be glad if the resolution was more extensive; so ex- Another reason which justifies the adoption of this retensive as to embrace all the Indians in the United States. solution is, that, as we have bound curselves to protect and I do not intend to propose an amendment to the resolu- patronize them in the cultivation of the arts, as indepention, to the effect I have stated, without first giving the dent, sovereign people, it is a duty we owe to ourselves, gentleman an opportunity to explain his reasons for limit-to them, to this country, and the world at large, which is ing the inquiry. If no objection, satisfactory to me, is looking on us, to see that we have fulfilled this obligation, stated, why the inquiry should not be extended as I and to ascertain, by a reference to the proper department, have suggested, then I shall move to amend the reso- what progress they have made in these arts. I therefore lution. apprehend that, if the resolution proposed is adopted, I shall Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN said he had strong reasons be enabled, when the discussion of this question comes on, why he did not wish to extend the inquiry to other In- to meet, by official documents, the reasons assigned for dians than those mentioned in the resolution, and stronger the removal of these Indians. We shall also be informed reasons why it should not be extended to all other In-what progress they have made in civilization, or, if they dians. The Senate will perceive [said Mr. F.] that the have retrograded, what has been the cause of it. If the resolution proposes an inquiry into the progress which reasons which he alluded to would be removed by this in-these tribes of Indians have made in improvement and ci- formation, then the reasons to interfere with these people vilization, and an investigation into the present state of would be also removed. their civil government, education, agriculture, and the Mr. FORSYTH replied, that the gentleman from New mechanic arts. One of the prominent reasons he said he Jersey had misapprehended him in the observations he had had for employing this phraseology in the resolution, was, made. I had no objection, Mr. F. said, to the inquiry that it is the emphatic terms in which our treaties with which the resolution proposed, but I objected to confinthese tribes are couched. With respect to agriculture, ing the investigation to three sections of the Indians only. we have encouraged these free tribes in the pursuit of it. I wish that it should embrace all the Indians in the United We have agreed, by our solemn treaty, to afford them States. The resolution does not even embrace all the every facility, by extending to them our patronage, and Indians in the part of the country in which the others it giving them the countenance of the Government. By our mentions inhabit. The Chickasaws are as numerous as pledges to them, we have guarantied (and under our any other tribe mentioned; and the same promises, the solemn faith and obligations are bound to fulfil the pledges same pledges, were given to them as to the others. Why we have made to them) the undisturbed, the uninter- then are they excluded? Besides, there are in other parts rupted possession of their territory. It is in vain, said Mr. of the United States Indians residing, to whom the same F. to disguise that an attempt is now made to interrupt pledges were given. It was obvious to the Senate that that possession; and what were the reasons, he asked, this important question would agitate us in all our relawhich were urged for the removal of these Indians from tions with the Indians. Like the gentleman from New the country they now inhabit? Humanity, it is said, re- Jersey, [Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN] I desire that the question quires their removal, and this is the only reason assigned, should be presented so as to receive a full discussion; but as appears from the resolutions of the State Legislature, I have no idea that persons, either in this House or out of from the public prints of the country; nay, this is the rea- it, shall narrow the discussion down to a local or sectional son given in the very message of the Executive of the Go-question. For the purpose, then, of applying the inquiry vernment. Humanity, it is said, calls for our interference, to the condition of all the Indians in the United States, because, while the Indians remain in the neighborhood of and that those who hold different sentiments from the gen JAN. 25, 1830.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. tleman from New Jersey, on this subject, may have historical facts and documents in support of that charge. ground to stand upon, as well as he, I move to strike out Now, sir, how have these different arguments been met? of the resolution, the words "in the possession," and to The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, after deliinsert, in lieu thereof, the words "within the reach;" and berating a whole night upon his course, comes into this to strike out the words, "the Cherokee, Creek, and chamber to vindicate New England, and, instead of makChoctaw nations of Indians, east of the Mississippi," and ing up his issue with the gentleman from Missouri, on the to insert, in lieu thereof, the words, "the Indian nations charges which he had preferred, chooses to consider me within the United States;" and also, to erase the two last as the author of those charges, and, losing sight entirely of words of the resolution, (those nations) and in their stead that gentleman, selects me as his adversary, and pours out to insert the word "them." all the vials of his mighty wrath upon my devoted head. Mr. F. proceeded to state that he wanted all the infor- Nor is he willing to stop there. He goes on to assail the mation which could be procured respecting the condition institutions and policy of the South, and calls in question of all the Indians, and that he wished to do justice not the principles and conduct of the State which I have the only to those who dwelt in the southwest part of the Unit- honor to represent. When I find a gentleman of mature ed States, but to all those residing in any part of the coun-age and experience, of acknowledged talents and protry. So far as he, (who was unfortunately the only repre- found sagacity, pursuing a course like this, declining the sentative of Georgia now in the Senate) could undertake contest offered from the West, and making war upon the to say, we seek to do nothing which has not been already unoffending South, I must believe, I am bound to believe, exercised by the majority of the States of the Union. Mr. he has some object in view that he has not ventured to F. concluded by saying, if the gentleman from New Jer-disclose. Why is this? [asked Mr. H.] Has the gentlesey wished to take time for the consideration of his amend-man discovered in former controversies with the gentlement, he would move to lay both the resolution and man from Missouri, that he is overmatched by that Senaamendment, for the present, on the table. tor? And does he hope for an easy victory over a more Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN did not assent to this course, feeble adversary? Has the gentleman's distempered fanbut suggested to the gentleman from Georgia to propose his amendment in the form of a new resolution. He repeated what his object was in proposing the resolution, and said, if the gentleman from Georgia would consent to the adoption of his resolution, he would not object to the adoption of a resolution embracing the same matter as the present amendment. Mr. FORSYTH made no reply; and The question on amending the resolution was then put, and carried in the affirmative, by the casting vote of the President, the ayes and noes being equal. The resolution, as amended, was then adopted, as follows: Resolved, That the Secretary of War be requested to furnish to the Senate any information within the reach of his Department, respecting the progress of civilization, for the last eight years, among the Indian nations within the United States, and the present state of education, civil government, agriculture, and the mechanic arts, among them. MR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION. The unfinished business of Thursday, being the order of the day, was then resumed; and the question being on the motion of Mr. WEBSTER to postpone, indefinitely, the resolution proposed by Mr. FOOT, concerning the public lands, Mr. HAYNE rose, and, in continuation of his reply to Mr. WEBSTER, addressed the Senate for two hours and half. a cy been disturbed by gloomy forebodings of "new alliances to be formed," at which he hinted? Has the ghost of the murdered Coalition come back, like the ghost of Banquo, to "sear the eye-balls" of the gentleman, and will it not "down at his bidding?" Are dark visions of broken hopes, and honors lost forever, still floating before his heated imagination? Sir, if it be his object to thrust me between the gentleman from Missouri and himself, in order to rescue the East from the contest it has provoked with the West, he shall not be gratified. Sir, I will not be dragged into the defence of my friend from Missouri. The South shall not be forced into a conflict not its own. The gentleman from Missouri is able to fight his own battles. The gallant West needs no aid from the South to repel any attack which may be made on them from any quarter. Let the gentleman from Massachusetts controvert the facts and arguments of the gentleman from Missouri-if he can; and if he win the victory, let him wear its honors: I shall not deprive him of his laurels. The gentleman from Massachusetts, in reply to my remarks on the injurious operation of our land system on the prosperity of the West, pronounced an extravagant eulogium on the paternal care which the Government had extended towards the West, to which he attributed all that was great and excellent in the present condition of the new States. The language of the gentleman on this topic fell upon my ears like the almost forgotten tones of the tory leaders of the British Parliament, at the commencement of the American Revolution. They, too, discovered, that the colonies had grown great under the [The following are the remarks of Mr. H. as delivered fostering care of the mother country; and, I must confess, on Thursday and to-day.] while listening to the gentleman, I thought the appropriMr. HAYNE began by saying that when he took occasion, ate reply to his argument was to be found in the remark two days ago, to throw out some ideas with respect to the po- of a celebrated orator, made on that occasion: "They licy of the Government in relation to the public lands, no-have grown great in spite of your protection.". thing certainly could have been further from his thoughts The gentleman, in commenting on the policy of the than that he should be compelled again to throw himself Government, in relation to the new States, has introduced upon the indulgence of the Senate. Little did I expect [said to our notice a certain Nathan Dane, of Massachusetts, to Mr. H. to be called upon to meet such an argument as whom he attributes the celebrated ordinance of '87, by was yesterday urged by the gentleman from Massachu-which he tells us, "slavery was forever excluded from setts Mr. WEBSTER.] Sir, I questioned no man's opin- the new States north of the Ohio." After eulogizing the ions; I impeached no man's motives; I charged no party, wisdom of this provision, in terms of the most extravaor State, or section of country, with hostility to any other; gant praise, he breaks forth in admiration of the greatbut ventured, I thought in a becoming spirit, to put ness of Nathan Dane-and great, indeed, he must be, if it forth my own sentiments in relation to a great national be true, as stated by the Senator from Massachusetts, question of public policy. Such was my course. The that he was greater than Solon and Lycurgus, Minos, gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. BENTON] it is true, had Numa Pompilius, and all the legislators and philosophers charged upon the Eastern States an early and continued of the world," ancient and modern. Sir, to such high hostility towards the West, and referred to a number of authority it is certainly my duty, in a becoming spirit of SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [JAN. 25, 1830. Be it so. humility, to submit. And yet, the gentleman will pardon West to pay for the public lands. It might, indeed, be me when I say, that it is a little unfortunate for the fame said that this was no more than the refluence of capital of this great legislator, that the gentleman from Missouri which had previously gone over the mountains. should have proved that he was not the author of the or- Still its practical effect was to produce inconvenience, if dinance of '87, on which the Senator from Massachusetts not distress, by absorbing the money of the people." has reared so glorious a monument to his name. Sir, I I contended that the public lands ought not to be treatdoubt not the Senator will feel some compassion for our ed merely as a fund for revenue;" that they ought not ignorance, when I tell him, that so little are we acquainted to be hoarded "as a great treasure." On this point the with the modern great men of New England, that, until Senator expressed himself thus: "Government, he behe informed us yesterday, that we possessed a Solon and lieved, had received eighteen or twenty millions of dollars a Lycurgus in the person of Nathan Dane, he was only from the public lands, and it was with the greatest satisknown to the South as a member of a celebrated assem- faction he adverted to the change which had been introbly called and known by the name of "the Hartford duced in the mode of paying for them; yet he could neConvention." In the proceedings of that assembly, which ver think the national domain was to be regarded as any I hold in my hand, (at page 19) will be found, in a few great source of revenue. The great object of the Golines, the history of Nathan Dane; and a little further on, vernment in respect to those lands, was not so much the there is conclusive evidence of that ardent devotion to the money derived from their sale, as it was the getting of interests of the new States, which, it seems, has given them settled. What he meant to say was, that he did him a just claim to the title of "Father of the West." not think they ought to hug that domain as a great treaBy the 2d resolution of the "Hartford Convention," it is sure, which was to enrich the exchequer." declared, "that it is expedient to attempt to make provi- Now, Mr. President, it will be seen that the very docsion for restraining Congress in the exercise of an unlimit- trines which the gentleman so indignantly abandons, were ed power to make new States, and admitting them into urged by him in 1825; and if I had actually borrowed my the Union." So much for Nathan Dane, of Beverly, sentiments from those which he then avowed, I could not Massachusetts. have followed more closely in his footsteps. Sir, it is onIn commenting upon my views in relation to the public ly since the gentleman quoted this book, yesterday, that lands, the gentleman insists that it being one of the con- my attention has been turned to the sentiments he expressditions of the grants, that these lands should be applied to ed in 1825, and, if I had remembered them, might pos"the common benefit of all the States, they must always sibly have been deterred from uttering sentiments here remain a fund for revenue," and adds, "they must be which, it might well be supposed, I had borrowed from treated as so much treasure." Sir, the gentleman could that gentleman. hardly find language strong enough to convey his disap- In 1825, the gentleman told the world, that the public probation of the policy which I had ventured to recom-lands "ought not to be treated as a treasure." He now mend to the favorable consideration of the country. And tells us, that "they must be treated as so much treasure.” what, sir, was that policy, and what is the difference be- What the deliberate opinion of the gentleman on this subtween that gentleman and myself, on this subject? Iject may be, belongs not to me to determine; but, I do not threw out the idea, that the public lands ought not to be think he can, with the shadow of justice or propriety, imreserved forever as "a great fund for revenue;" that they pugn my sentiments, while his own recorded opinions are ought not to be "treated as a great treasure;" but that identical with my own. When the gentleman refers to the the course of our policy should rather be directed towards conditions of the grants under which the United States the creation of new States, and building up great and have acquired these lands, and insists that, as they are deflourishing communities. clared to be "for the common benefit of all the States,' Now, Sir, will it be believed, by those who now hear they can only be treated as so much treasure, I think he me, and who listened to the gentleman's denunciation of has applied a rule of construction too narrow for the case. my doctrines yesterday, that a book then lay open before If, in the deeds of cession, it has been declared that the him, nay, that he held it in his hand, and read from it cer-grants were intended for "the common benefit of all the tain passages of his own speech, delivered to the House States," it is clear, from other provisions, that they were of Representatives, in 1825, in which speech he himself not intended merely as so much property: for, it is excontended for the very doctrines I had advocated, and al- pressly declared that the object of the grants is the erecmost in the same terms. Here is the speech of the Hon. tion of new States; and the United States, in accepting the Daniel Webster, contained in the first volume of Gales and trust, bind themselves to facilitate the foundation of these Seaton's Register of Debates, (p. 251) delivered in the States, to be admitted into the Union with all the rights House of Representatives, on the 18th January, 1825, in and privileges of the original States. This, sir, was the a debate on the Cumberland Road-the very debate from great end to which all parties looked, and it is by the fulwhich the Senator read yesterday. I shall read from this filment of this high trust, that "the common benefit of all celebrated speech two passages, from which it will appear the States" is to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the that, both as to the past and the future policy of the Go-gentleman, that, in the part of the country in which I live, vernment in relation to the public lands, the gentleman we do not measure political benefits by the money standfrom Massachusetts maintained, in 1825, substantially the ard. We consider as more valuable than gold-liberty, same opinions which I have advanced, but which he now principle, and justice. But, sir, if we are bound to act on so strongly reprobates. I said, sir, that the system of the narrow principles contended for by the gentleman, I credit sales, by which the West had been kept constantly am whelly at a loss to conceive how he can reconcile his in debt to the United States, and by which their wealth principles with his own practice. The lands are, it seems, was drained off to be expended elsewhere, had operated to be treated "as so much treasure," and must be applied injuriously on their prosperity. On this point the gentle- to the "common benefit of all the States." Now, if this man from Massachusetts, in January, 1825, expressed be so, whence does he derive the right to appropriate them himself thus: "There could be no doubt, if gentlemen for partial and local objects? How can the gentleman looked at the money received into the treasury from the consent to vote away immense bodies of these lands--for sale of the public lands to the West, and then looked to canals in Indiana and Illinois, to the Louisville and Portthe whole amount expended by Government, (even in-land Canal, to Kenyon College in Ohio, to Schools for the cluding the whole of what was laid out for the army) Deaf and Dumb, and other objects of a similar descripthe latter must be allowed to be very ineonsidera- tion? If grants of this character can fairly be considered ble, and there must be a constant drain of money from the as made for the common benefit of all the States," it Mr. Foot's Resolution. [SENATE. can only be because all the States are interested in the 1825, however, (a memorable era in the history of this The Senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to doubtful, while the whole country was looking with inpresent in strong contrast the friendly feelings of the East tense anxiety to that Legislative hall where the mighty towards the West, with sentiments of an opposite charac-drama was so soon to be acted, that we saw the leaders of ter displayed by the South in relation to appropriations for two great parties in the House and in the nation "taking internal improvement. Now, sir, let it be recollected that sweet counsel together," and in a celebrated debate on the the South have made no professions; I have certainly made Cumberland Road fighting side by side for Western internone in their behalf, of regard for the West. reserved to the gentleman from Massachusetts, while he from Massachusetts held out the white flag to the West, It has been ests. vaunts his own personal devotion to Western interests, and uttered those liberal sentiments, which he, yesterday, It was on that memorable occasion that the Senator to claim for the entire section of country to which he be- so indignantly repudiated. Then it was that that happy longs, an ardent friendship for the West, as manifested by union between the members of the celebrated coalition their support of the system of Internal Improvement, was consummated, whose immediate issue was a President while he casts in our teeth the reproach that the South has from one quarter of the Union, with the succession (as it manifested hostility to Western interests in opposing ap- was supposed) secured to another. propriations for such objects. That gentleman, at the tem," before, a rude, disjointed, and misshapen mass, same time, acknowledged that the South entertains consti- now assumed form and consistency; then it was, that it beThe "American Systutional scruples on this subject. Are we then, sir, to came "the settled policy of the Government" that this understand, that the gentleman considers it a just subject system should be so administered as to create a reciprocity of reproach, that we respect our oaths, by which we are of interests, and a reciprocal distribution of Government bound "to preserve, protect, and defend, the constitution favors-East and West, (the Tariff and Internal Improveof the United States?" Would the gentleman have us ments)--while the South--yes, sir, the impracticable South, manifest our love to the West by trampling under foot our was to be "out of your protection." The gentleman may constitutional scruples? Does he not perceive, if the boast as much as he pleases of the friendship of New EngSouth is to be reproached with unkindness to the West, in land for the West, as displayed in their support of Intervoting against appropriations, which the gentleman admits, nal Improvement; but, when he next introduces that topic. they could not vote for without doing violence to their I trust that he will tell us when that friendship commencconstitutional opinions, that he exposes himself to the ques-ed, how it was brought about, and why it was established. tion, whether, if he was in our situation, he could vote Before I leave this topic, I must be permitted to say, that for these appropriations, regardless of his scruples? No, the true character of the policy now pursued by the gensir, I will not do the gentleman so great injustice. He has tleman from Massachusetts and his friends, in relation to fallen into this error from not having duly weighed the appropriations of land and money, for the benefit of the force and effect of the reproach which he was endeavor- West, is, in my estimation, very similar to that pursued by ing to cast upon the South. In relation to the other point, Jacob of old towards his brother Esau; "it robs them of the friendship manifested by New England towards the their birthright for a mess of pottage." West in their support of the system of internal improvement, the gentleman will pardon me for saying that I think he is mark of mine, that, before any disposition could be made The gentleman from Massachusetts, in alluding to a reequally unfortunate in having introduced that topic. As of the public lands, the national debt (for which they that gentleman has forced it upon us, however, I cannot stand pledged) must be first paid, took occasion to intisuffer it to pass unnoticed. that the appropriations for Internal Improvement in the ist in a certain quarter [meaning the South, sir] for the When the gentleman tells us mate that the extraordinary fervor which seems to exWest would, in almost every instance, have failed, but for payment of the debt, arises from a disposition to weaken New England votes, he has forgotten to tell us the when, the ties which bind the people to the Union." the how, and the wherefore, this new-born zeal for the gentleman deals us this blow, he professes an ardent deWest sprung up in the bosom of New England. If we sire to see the debt speedily extinguished. He must exWhile the look back only a few years, we will find, in both Houses cuse me, however, for feeling some distrust on that subof Congress, an uniform and steady opposition, on the ject until I find this disposition manifested by something part of the members from the Eastern States, generally, to stronger than professions. I shall look for acts, decided all appropriations of this character. At the time I became and unequivocal acts: for the performance of which an a member of this House, and for some time afterwards, a opportunity will very soon (if I am not greatly mis- SENATE.] Mr. Foot's Resolution. [JAN. 25, 1830. tually discharged. The gentleman from Massachusetts dent, or necessary, to enlist under his banners the prejuwill then be released from the obligation which now dices of the world, which, like Swiss troops, may be enmakes him desirous of paying the debt; and, let me tell gaged in any cause, and are prepared to serve under any the gentleman, the holders of the stock will not only re- leader? Did he desire to avail himself of those remorselease us from this obligation, but they will implore, nay, less allies, the passions of mankind, of which it may be they will even pay us not to pay them. But, adds the more truly said, than of the savage tribes of the wildergentleman," so far as the debt may have an effect in ness, "that their known rule of warfare is an indiscribinding the debtors to the country, and thereby serving minate slaughter of all ages, sexes, and conditions?" Or as a link to hold the States together, he would be glad was it supposed, sir, that, in a premeditated and unprovokthat it should exist forever." Surely then, sir, on the ed attack upon the South, it was advisable to begin by a gentleman's own principles, he must be opposed to the gentle admonition of our supposed weakness, in order to payment of the debt. prevent us from making that firm and manly resistance, Sir, let me tell that gentleman that the South repudi- due to our own character, and our dearest interest? Was ates the idea that a pecuniary dependence on the Federal the significant hint of the weakness of slave-holding Government is one of the legitimate means of holding the States, when contrasted with the superior strength of free States together. A moneyed interest in the Government is States-like the glare of the weapon half drawn from its essentially a base interest; and just so far as it operates scabbard--intended to enforce the lessons of prudence to bind the feelings of those who are subjected to it to and of patriotism, which the gentleman had resolved, out the Government; just so far as it operates in creating of his abundant generosity, gratuitously to bestow upon us? sympathies and interests that would not otherwise exist; [said Mr. H.] The impression whichhas gone abroad, is it opposed to all the principles of free government, and of the weakness of the South, as connected with the slave at war with virtue and patriotism. Sir, the link which question, exposes us to such constant attacks, has done us binds the public creditors, as such, to their country, binds so much injury, and is calculated to produce such infithem equally to all governments, whether arbitrary or nite mischiefs, that I embrace the occasion presented by free. In a free government, this principle of abject de- the remarks of the gentleman from Massachusetts, to dependence, if extended through all the ramifications of so- clare that we are ready to meet the question promptly ciety, must be fatal to liberty. Already have we made and fearlessly. It is one from which we are not disposed alarming strides in that direction. The entire class of to shrink, in whatever form or under whatever circummanufacturers, the holders of stocks, with their hundreds stances it may be pressed upon us. We are ready to of millions of capital, are held to the Government by the make up the issue with the gentleman, as to the influence strong link of pecuniary interests, millions of people, en- of slavery on individual and national character--on the tire sections of country, interested, or believing themselves prosperity and greatness, either of the United States, or to be so, in the public lands, and the public treasure, are of particular States. Sir, when arraigned before the bar bound to the Government by the expectation of pecuniary of public opinion, on this charge of slavery, we can stand favors. If this system is carried much further, no man up with conscious rectitude, plead not guilty, and put can fail to see that every generous motive of attachment ourselves upon God and our country. Sir, we will not to the country will be destroyed, and in its place will consent to look at slavery in the abstract. We will not spring up those low, grovelling, base, and selfish feelings stop to inquire whether the black man, as some philosowhich bind men to the footstool of a despot by bonds as phers have contended, is of an inferior race, nor whether strong and as enduring as those which attach them to free his color and condition are the effects of a curse inflicted institutions. Sir, I would lay the foundation of this Gov- for the offences of his ancestors. We deal in no abstracernment in the affections of the People; I would teach tions. We will not look back to inquire whether our them to cling to it by dispensing equal justice, and, above fathers were guiltless in introducing slaves into this counall, by securing the "blessings of liberty to themselves try. If an inquiry should ever be instituted in these matand to their posterity." ters, however, it will be found that the profits of the slave The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts has gone trade were not confined to the South. Southern ships out of his way to pass a high eulogium on the State of and Southern sailors were not the instruments of bringing Ohio. In the most impassioned tones of eloquence, he slaves to the shores of America, nor did our merchants described her majestic march to greatness. He told us reap the profits of that "accursed traffic." But, sir, that, having already left all the other States far behind, we will pass over all this. If slavery, as it now exists in she was now passing by Virginia, and Pennsylvania, and this country, be an evil, we of the present day found it about to take her station by the side of New York. To all ready made to our hands. Finding our lot cast among a this, sir, I was disposed most cordially to respond. When, people, whom God had manifestly committed to our care, however, the gentleman proceeded to contrast the State we did not sit down to speculate on abstract questions of of Ohio with Kentucky, to the disadvantage of the latter, theoretical liberty. We met it as a practical question of I listened to him with regret; and when he proceeded fur- obligation and duty. We resolved to make the best of ther to attribute the great, and, as he supposed, acknow- the situation in which Providence had placed us, and to ledged superiority of the former in population, wealth, fulfil the high trust which had devolved upon us as and general prosperity, to the policy of Nathan Dane, of the owners of slaves, in the only way in which such a Massachusetts, which had secured to the people of Ohio trust could be fulfilled, without spreading misery and ruin (by the ordinance of '87) a population of freemen, I will throughout the land. We found that we had to deal with a confess that my feelings suffered a revulsion, which I am people whose physical, moral, and intellectual habits and now unable to describe in any language sufficiently re-character, totally disqualified them from the enjoyment of spectful towards the gentleman from Massachusetts. In the blessings of freedom. We could not send them back contrasting the State of Ohio with Kentucky, for the pur- to the shores from whence their fathers had been taken; pose of pointing out the superiority of the former, and of their numbers forbade the thought, even if we did not attributing that superiority to the existence of slavery, in know that their condition here is infinitely preferable to the one State, and its absence in the other, I thought I what it possibly could be among the barren sands and sacould discern the very spirit of the Missouri question in-vage tribes of Africa; and it was wholly irreconcileable truded into this debate, for objects best known to the with all our notions of humanity to tear asunder the tengentleman himself. Did that gentleman, sir, when he der ties which they had formed among us, to gratify the formed the determination to cross the southern border, in feelings of a false philanthropy. What a commentary on order to invade the State of South Carolina, deem it pru- the wisdom, justice, and humanity, of the Southern slave |