country, the representative of a free and generous people.

The American people are acquainted with the subsequent political career of this great man; and to give in detail a history of the various measures which he has projected and advocated for advancing the interests and upholding the honor of his country, would be a task no less laborious than to write the history of the United States for the last twenty years.

The speeches of Mr. Clay, presented to the public in this work, contain lessons of political wisdom and experience, the extended views of a statesman, and embody a system of American principles, regulating our national and internal governments, which cannot be found collected in any other work; and which, if acted upon and carried out in all their wide provisions, would elevate this Union far above every nation upon earth, in all that is beneficial to man,-make its citizens independent of the rest of the world, and ensure to posterity the blessings of a wise, patriotic and truly American system of legislation.

It is considered unnecessary to say any thing by way of eulogy or praise of the speeches in this volume. He who will read them carefully, and honestly consider the principles they advance and support, will be the better able to pronounce a correct opinion with regard to their soundness, and to the merit of the work generally. But fearing lest the reader may pass too rapidly over a volume so truly fascinating, it may not be improper to request for some of the speeches a perusal of more than ordinary care. There are men of rare abilities, who are learned and eloquent in some of the walks of literature or science, or in some of the branches of political economy; but who, when taken out of their appropriate sphere, to which the thoughts and labor of their lives have been devoted, and thrust among a multiplicity of objects, and engaged in various pursuits, lose all their brilliancy and intellectual greatness. But Mr. Clay, like Chatham and Brougham, is not circumscribed by such narrow bounds; the grasp of his mind takes in the universe, and possessing the quality of untiring activity, is ever prepared to

attack or defend, to pull down or build up. He is in politics what Eumenius was in military affairs, ever foremost in defence of the right or in the attack of the wrong.

It is probably true, that no public character, of the present day, has paid such accurate attention to, or ex. hibited so deep research in the early history of our di plomatic correspondence, or so extensive an acquaintance with the treaties of foreign nations, with regard to the American colonies as has Mr. Clay. In his speech. on the Perdido Line, he goes deeply into the investigation of our early history, and traces it minutely up to 1811, when the speech referred to was delivered. At that time, although Mr. Clay was comparatively young as a politician, he yet manifested all the comprehensive and far reaching sagacity of an experienced statesman, without any of the artifice of the intriguing diplomatist.

The speech on American industry is a masterly effort of intellectual greatness and sober patriotism. The speaker saw the ruinous tendency of the policy of our government on this subject, and with a mind fully imbued with a sense of the great responsibility of his station, he besought the American people and their representatives to change their misguided policy. The prosperity of the country, immediately consequent upon favorable legislation on this subject, fully attests the clearness of his conceptions and the correctness of his principles.

The speech on the Seminole war question, was delivered in 1817, and should be read by every American. In it may be observed the lofty aspirations of the patriot jealous of his country's honor, mingled with manly forbearance and generous delicacy toward the commanding officer in that war. Mr. Clay fearlessly arraigns the conduct of the General for a violation of orders in invading the Spanish territory, in disregarding the articles and rules of modern warfare, and in hanging prisoners of war. But he charitably ascribes what he conceived to be the misconduct of the General to a misapprehension of his duty, rather than to bad or corrupt motives. Much of the subsequent abuse of executive influence and arbitrary assumption of power over other depart

ments of the government can be traced to the prece dent given in the Seminole war. If Mr. Monroe had not used his executive and cabinet influence with the members of Congress, it is almost certain that a vote of censure on the conduct of General Jackson would have been passed by that body, and this dark spot effaced from our national escutcheon. The declarations of Mr. Clay, on that occasion, were prophetic, and have been fully realized in the subsequent history of the government: it was remarked by Mr. Clay, "They may bear down all opposition; they may even vote the general the public thanks; they may carry him triumphantly through the house. But if they do, in my humble judgment, it will be a triumph of the principle of insubordination-a triumph of the military over the civil authority-a triumph over the powers of this House-a triumph over the constitution of the land." Executive usurpation,-violations of law, corruption,-proscription,-insubordination,and profligacy of every species have fearfully increased since this fatal stab at our constitution.

The speeches on the emancipation of the South American provinces, and on the Greek revolution, strongly exhibit the universal benevolence of a true patriot. Ardent and eloquent in the cause of human rights and republican liberty, the speaker is ever foremost in originating and successful in carrying out those measures necessary to their protection and establishment. If defeated in the first attempt, he falters not,-he settles his principles in the broad foundations of truth, and his course is onward, and still onward, until his object is achieved.

There are some important measures which have been discussed in Congress, and in which Mr. Clay has taken a distinguished and leading part, upon which his speeches or views have never been published: such, for instance, as his speech in 1816, on the bank question, and his speech on the admission of Missouri into the Union. In a speech delivered in Kentucky, Mr. Clay remarked that his bank speech of 1816, had never been published for reasons unknown to him. No efforts have been spared to procure a copy of the speech on the Missouri

question; but it cannot be found. When that question threatened to dissolve the Union, when the angry waves of political contention were lashed into storm, all eyes were turned toward Henry Clay, as the only man in the nation who could calm the troubled ocean of human passion and interest. The great commoner, greatest in a great emergency, appeared; poured the oil of his elcquence and wisdom upon the waters, and all was quietness, through his influence this vexed and dangerous question was safely and peaceably settled.

Mr. Clay's unwavering devotion to the interest of his country and great firmness were never more conspicuous than in his defence of our Navy. At the time he came forward as an advocate for an increase of the navy, the measure was unpopular; but believing that the safety of our common country demanded an increase of this arm of the national defence, he hesitated not, but patiently and fearlessly contended for its adoption.

Another public measure, and one of great importance, which has lately been consummated, is the distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the several States. The success of this project is almost entirely owing to the efforts of Mr. Clay; his untiring zeal, unabated ardor and deep devotion to the interest of the people, knew no discouragements or disappointments; and although defeated by the President on one occasion, he still nobly continued to press this subject on the attention of the people and their representatives, until he finally accomplished his object at the late extra session. And now, while credit and confidence, national and individual, are most seriously impaired, the whole Union will feel the beneficial and salutary effects of this policy.

Mr. Clay has also been the consistent advocate of a wise and economical system of Internal Improvement by the general government; the abandonment of which has induced that wild and improvident spirit of State legislation, resulting in a total prostration of credit, and leaving many of the States bankrupt in character and fortune, paralizing their energies and breaking the bonds of political and social life. As a branch of the improvement policy advocated by Mr. Clay, we may mention the Cum

berland Road, a work which is more important and beneficial to the western country and to western interest, than any other single measure of the national government; and so long as this road continues to be the great thoroughfare from cast to west, and the highway of the Union, so long will it be the appropriate monument of his wise and earnest devotion to the good of the whole nation.

The reader's attention is directed to the speech on the Expunging resolutions. When Mr. Benton introduced into the American senate his expunging resolutions, and asked that body to obliterate and deface the journal of its own proceedings, which the constitution had declared should remain inviolate; when an American statesman sought the violation of that instrument, which had given him his political existence and continued his political life, the great defender of constitutional liberty was indignant, and poured forth a torrent of patriotic eloquence and convincing argument, which none could answer, and which none could withstand, but those who had sworn to appease the wrath of the old Roman, by a desecration of the ark of our political freedom.

Mr. Clay's speech on the Sub-Treasury bill is another manifestation of his devotion to popular rights and a government of the people. After one act of executive usurpation had followed another until many of the nicely adjusted balances and checks of our government had become deranged, and Mr. Van Buren had presented to Congress his far-famed Sub-Treasury scheme, and which if securely established and made a part of our policy, would have placed in the hands of the Executive both the purse and the sword, and made our government a despotism; on this occasion the warning voice of Mr. Clay was heard in the councils of the nation, opposing this daring scheme of ambition, portraying with a masterly hand the odious and oppressive features of this measure, and exhibiting it to his countrymen in all its hideous deformity.

And thus it has been, that through the entire political career of Mr. Clay, he has ever proved himself the stedfast and efficient friend and champion of free govern ment and human liberty throughout the world; the de