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would have been conversant about Imagination, Memory, Intellect, Ratiocination, Appetite, Will, Good and Evil, Honest and Dishonest. . . . Whilst I contrive, order, pensively and slowly compose these matters (for I do only reason, I dispute not); it so happens in the interim, that my country, some few years before the Civil Wars did rage, was boiling hot with questions concerning the rights of dominion, and the obedience due from subjects, the true forerunners of an approaching war; and was the cause which, all those other matters deferred, ripened and plucked from me this third part. Therefore it happens that what was last in order, is yet come forth first in time. And the rather because I saw that, grounded on its own principles sufficiently known by experience, it would not stand in need of the former sections.1

A

In 1646 he was appointed instructor in mathematics to the Prince of Wales, who was then in Paris. In 1650, after the Revolution, his "little treatise," previously referred to, was published in two parts. The first part was entitled Human Nature, or The Fundamental Elements of Policy. The second part, published later, was entitled De Corpore Politico, or The Elements of Law, Moral and Politic. translation of the De Cive, under the title Philosophical Rudiments concerning Government and Society, followed in 1651. According to Aubrey's papers, this translation was made by Hobbes himself. This same year witnessed the publication of his Leviathan, which was really projected as early as 1642 and written in the interim. The full title of the work is Leviathan; or, The Matter, Form, and Power of a Commonwealth, Ecclesiastical and Civil. In it Hobbes represents the commonwealth to be an artificial man; "though of greater stature and strength than the natural, for whose protection and defence it was intended."

In it, he says, "the sovereignty is an artificial soul, as

1 See also De Cive, Praefatio ad Lectores.

giving life and motion to the whole body; the magistrates, and other officers of judicature and execution, artificial joints; reward and punishment, by which fastened to the seat of the sovereignty every joint and member is moved to perform his duty, are the nerves, that do the same in the body natural; the wealth and riches of all the particular members, are the strength; salus populi, the people's safety, its business; counsellors, by whom all things needful for it to know are suggested unto it, are the memory; equity, and laws, an artificial reason and will; concord, health; sedition, sickness; and civil war, death. Lastly, the pacts and covenants, by which the parts of this body politic were at first made, set together and united, resemble that fiat, or the let us make man, pronounced by God in the creation." The description of

this commonwealth or artificial man involves the consideration of the following: "First, the matter thereof, and the artificer; both which is man. Secondly, how, and by what covenants it is made; what are the rights and just power or authority of a sovereign; and what it is that preserveth or dissolveth it. Thirdly, what is a Christian_commonwealth. Lastly, what is the kingdom of darkness.” 2 A copy of the Leviathan, beautifully written on vellum, was presented to the young prince, later Charles II.3 Robertson interestingly and accurately describes the effect produced by this famous work of Hobbes. He says: "The effect of the book at home will appear through all Hobbes's later years. Abroad, it soon brought about a great change in his own position. That he himself considered his personal loyalty impeached by anything he had penned could not be more completely disproved than it is. As he had made no secret beforehand of his wish to return

3 A description of this manuscript copy is given in the January number of the Gentleman's Magazine for 1813.

home, so he now showed no unseemly haste to be

gone, but for months still continued to share the fortunes and mix in the society of the royalist exiles. Nay, when the young king of the Scots escaped to Paris (about the end of October) after the defeat at Worcester, Hobbes felt himself at perfect liberty to present to the royal fugitive, fresh from the crushing disaster, a specially prepared manuscript copy of his book, 'engrossed' (says Clarendon) 'in vellum in a marvellous fair hand'—an odd proceeding in a conscious traitor. But if he thought that he still stood where he had stood before, there were others that thought differently. It is, indeed, sufficiently absurd to find Clarendon declaring, in almost the same breath with his mention of the gift to the king, that the book was written to support Cromwell's usurpation. This particular charge, afterward commonly current, though refuted by Clarendon's own admission, could not have occurred to any one as early as 1651, when Cromwell was still the servant of the Rump. Nothing, how-f ever, could be more natural than that a book like Leviathan should awake suspicion and dislike in the minds of royalists, then at the lowest depths of despair. The exiled clergy in particular, rendered critical by misfortune, and meeting in the book much that jarred upon their honest religious convictions, much, also, that was incomprehensible to their unreasonable loyalty, and, above all, a vein of deep distrust of clerical ambition with an imposing scheme for the utter subjection of spiritual to civil authority, could not but be affected to indignation in every fiber of their being. Accordingly, as different accounts agree in stating, some of them lost no time in working upon the mind of the prince on his return, and for the moment they were able to prevail upon his easy nature. When Hobbes, soon after making his present, sought to pay his respects in person to his former pupil, he was denied the royal presence, and was told by the Marquis of Ormond that he lay under grave

charges of disloyalty and atheism. Thus deprived of the prince's protection, Hobbes, ever full of fears, at once saw himself exposed to a twofold peril. The royalist party, he well knew, counted in its ranks desperadoes who could slay - who had newly slain two defenceless envoys of the commonwealth, Doreslaus at The Hague, and Ascham at Madrid. And there was another danger not to be slighted even by a man less prone to terror. The French clerical authorities, made aware of the contents of Leviathan, and exasperated by such an open and unsparing assault (no longer a masked attack, as in the De Cive) on the Papal system, were moving (as Clarendon again bears confirmatory witness) to arraign the foreign offender. No course seemed left to Hobbes but sudden and secret flight. After a self-imposed exile of eleven years, cast out in the end by his own party, and a fugitive from religious hate, he could turn only to his native country, which he had been so ready to desert, and seek protection from the revolutionary government which he had sacrificed everything to oppose.'

In 1651 Hobbes returned to England. He took up his abode in London and devoted himself mainly to literary work. In 1655 he published De Corpore, containing, for the most part, his views on First Philosophy and Physics. In 1656 an English translation of De Corpore appeared with an appendix of "Six Lessons" written in connection with a mathematical controversy with Professor John Wallis. In 1658 he published De Homine, a psychological treatise, the major portion of which is devoted to optics. He had already, as we have seen, published his works De Cive and Leviathan, so that his philosophical system was now essentially developed. It represented in this practically complete form essentially what he had in mind as indicated in the preface to the De Cive, part of which has already been quoted, viz.: the division of Philosophy

1 Hobbes, pp. 71-73.

into three parts; Part I, treating of "Body and its general properties"; Part II, treating of "Man and his special faculties and affections"; and Part III, treating of "Civil Government and the duties of subjects."

Hobbes remained in England from 1651, the time of his return from France, until 1679, the date of his death. During Cromwell's rule he lived peacefully, having submitted to the government. After the Restoration in 1660, the king, Charles II., his former pupil, who had been alienated from Hobbes by charges of disloyalty and atheism made by others against him, again granted his favor to Hobbes. He was made welcome at the court and was granted a pension by the king. His path, however, was not altogether smooth. He experienced much annoyance at the hands of the clergy, who took exceptions to his religious and ecclesiastical views — especially as contained in the Leviathan. Furthermore, this closing period of. his life brought him into a number of controversies involving much unpleasantness. One of these was with Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Londonderry. In 1654, in answer to a discourse of the bishop's, he published his work entitled Of Liberty and Necessity, the subject of the controversy being especially the question of the freedom of the will. The controversy continued, and in 1656 Hobbes published Questions concerning Liberty, Necessity, and Chance, again in answer to the bishop. The position on this question taken by Hobbes in this controversy is defined in the following words: "I conceive that nothing taketh beginning from itself, but from the action of some other immediate agent without itself. And that therefore, when first a man hath an appetite or will to something, to which immediately before he had no appetite nor will, the cause of his will is not the will itself, but something else not in his own disposing. So that whereas it is out of controversy, that of voluntary actions the will is the necessary cause, and by