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For this titanic struggle the duty of Americans is not confined to the young men of military age and fitness who enter the army and navy. They have a great service to render and may God give them strength and courage for it. We want them to feel that we are behind them with unmeasured sympathy and determination and prayer. But of what avail for them to win a victory on the battlefield if the nation and the world for which they win it shall not be able to utilize it aright? In making the world safe for democracy and democracy safe for the world every one of us, old and young, men and women, should have a part. Field Marshal Haig has recently said that "the war will be won by twenty-five per cent of military and seventy-five per cent of other forces of which those represented by the churches are the greatest."

Because we are waging a war for moral ends and expect the blessing of God in doing it, let us keep our motives and conduct upon a moral plane worthy of our cause and of the Divine help that we seek. Let us not kill women and children because our enemies do so. Let us be on our guard against evils in America which we denounce in Germany. Let us realize that this is a war not merely of armies and governments but of peoples, and that for its successful prosecution the whole nation must cooperate. Shirking, profiteering, extravagance, selfindulgence, graft, and vice, bad at any time, are high treason now. "Sanctify yourselves," said

Joshua to the Hebrew people as they stood upon the bank of the Jordan just before they began their struggle to conquer the promised land. "Observe to do according to all that is written" in the "Book of the Law." Then and then only "thou shalt make thy way prosperous and have good success," and "the Lord thy God" be "with thee whithersoever thou goest."

This is the splendid duty to which we are called. To have any part in it, however small, is to have one of the most inspiring privileges that can come to the sons of men. As Whittier said a generation ago, so we may now say with even greater truth and with reference to this more stupendous crisis:

"Our fathers to their graves have gone;
Their strife is past, their triumph won;
But sterner trials wait the race
Which rises in their honoured place;
A moral warfare with the crime
And folly of an evil time.

"So let it be. In God's own might
We gird us for the coming fight,
And, strong in Him whose cause is ours
In conflict with unholy powers,

We grasp the weapons He has given,

The Light, and Truth, and Love of Heaven."

What Mordecai said of old to Esther at a crisis in the history of the Hebrew people, God is surely

saying to the American churches: "If thou altogether holdest thy peace at this time, then shall relief and deliverance arise from another place, but thou and thy father's house shall perish; and who knoweth whether thou art not come to the kingdom for such a time as this?"





S we look out upon the world to-day, it is

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obvious that the future will be ruled, at least

for a time, by one of four ideals.

These are the ideals of nationalities and of small nations to survive and to develop unhindered their own cultural ideals, of large nations to grow ever larger and more unified, of rival alliances among great powers, and of genuine internationalism.

The sentiment of nationality, in the first place, has received such strong stimulus during the present war, both from attacks upon and concessions to it, that it may assert itself far more strongly than ever before and, in its contest with nationalism, succeed in breaking up such nations as Austria-Hungary, Russia, Turkey, Germany, and the British Empire into their constituent elements. Whether these elements will become autonomous members of loose confederations, or politically independent, will depend on how far the pendulum swings back from

the nationalistic ideals of the Nineteenth Century. If the Bolsheviki succeed in making their revolution world-wide we may expect to see, in addition to an industrial transformation, a world made up politically of small self-governing communities similar to the city-states among the ancient Greeks.

On the other hand, if the nationalistic ideal of union is to be carried still further in the Twentieth Century, we may look forward to the complete suppression of the aspirations of small nationalities for civil, political, linguistic, religious and educational rights, and to their entire absorption in one or another of the Great Powers. This process may even apply to small nations which have hitherto been independent; for the world to-day and for some time in the past has been a very unsafe place for the little fellows in the Family of Nations. Even the Great Powers have felt none too secure in their bigness, and it is probable that they may strive to increase to the utmost both their size and their military strength. Hence a continuation and intensification of the competitive increase of armaments, and of all those rivalries in trade, commerce, foreign investment, and the exploitation of backward lands and peoples, which have made the nations of the world like a nest of African serpents, each striving fiercely to raise its head above its fellows and sting them to death or submission.

Again, since only one can be first, in such a struggle, and the other Great Powers must yield to the

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