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advised, and have prolonged the war indefinitely, but he realized that this would mean the introduction of a guerrilla warfare, which would result in the plunder and devastation of the South. As soon as it was evident that his army could no longer meet the enemy in the open field, he assumed the responsibility of ending the war at once and surrendered. Grant was as great in victory as Lee was in defeat. He released both men and officers on parole and permitted them to keep their horses, “because they would need them for the spring plowing and farm work.”
On April 26 General Johnston surrendered his army to Sherman near Durham, North Carolina, and the few remaining Confederate forces soon disbanded or sur
Capture and rendered. Early in May Jefferson Davis was imprisoncaptured in Georgia and sent to Fortress Monroe, ment of
Davis where he was kept in close confinement for two years under indictment for treason. He was then released on bail, but the case was never brought to trial.
In the midst of the rejoicing at the North that followed Lee's surrender occurred the tragedy of Lincoln's assassination. On the evening of April 14, five days after Lincoln's Appomattox, the president was shot in Ford's death Theater in Washington by John Wilkes Booth, an actor whose mind seems to have been unbalanced. The South had nothing to gain by such an act, and coming as it did at : this particular time, nothing could have been a greater calamity.
The armies of the United States and of the Confederacy were both made up of citizen soldiers, and probably no armies in the history of warfare ever displayed greater
Severities forbearance and self-restraint in dealing with non-combatants, or more chivalry in their relations with each other. The most marked exceptions to this were Butler's conduct at New Orleans, Sherman's march through Georgia and the Carolinas, and the raids of Hunter
and Sheridan in the Valley of Virginia. As regards the treatment of prisoners, each side has charged the other with cruelty and neglect. The Southern military prisons have been pictured as pens of filth, disease, and starvation. As a matter of fact, a careful study of the mortality statistics shows that there was little difference in the treatment of prisoners North and South. When we consider the fact that the North refused to exchange prisoners, and thus forced the Confederates to keep in confinement more men than they could properly take care of, and when we consider the further fact that the Northern soldiers were well supplied with provisions, while the Southerners during the latter part of the war were always on short rations, there is, as James Ford Rhodes says, no reason why the North should reproach the South.
TOPICAL REFERENCES 1. Conditions at the North : Wilson, Division and Reunion, pp. 219–221, 227–233; Rhodes, Vol. V, Chap. XXVII; Cambridge Modern History, Vol. VII, Chap. XVIII; A. B. Hart, Salmon P. Chase, Chaps. IX, XI.
2. Conditions at the South : Wilson, Division and Reunion, Chap. X; Rhodes, Vol. V, Chap. XXVIII; Cambridge Modern
History, Vol. VII, Chap. XÍX; Curry, Civil History of Confederate · States, Chap. V; G. C. Eggleston, Rebel's Recollections, Chaps. II-IV; J. C. Schwab, Confederate States of America.
3. Grant in Command: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 433–439; Hosmer, Outcome of Civil War, Chap. V; Grant, Personal Memoirs, pp. 107– 145; Battine, Crisis of the Confederacy, pp. 345–360.
4. The Wilderness Campaign: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 440—447; Hosmer, Chap. VI; Battine, Chap. XI; Wood and Edmonds, Civil War in the United States, Chap. XX; Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chaps. XVI, XVII; E. P. Alexander, Military Memoirs of a Confederate, Chap. XX.
5. Early and Sheridan in the Valley: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 496– 505, 526-536; Wood and Edmonds, Chap. XXIV; Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chap. XVIII.
6. Sherman's March to the Sea: Rhodes, Vol. V, pp. 1–44, 85– 108; Wood and Edmonds, Chaps. XXII, XXIII; Jefferson Davis, Rise and Fall of Confederate Government, Vol. II, Chaps. XLVIII, LI; W. T. Sherman, Personal Memoirs, Vol. II, Chaps. XVIXXIII.
7. The Presidential Campaign of 1864: Rhodes, Vol. IV, pp. 518– 539; Hosmer, Chap. IX; Stanwood, History of the Presidency, Chap. XXII; J. T. Morse, Abraham Lincoln, Vol. II, Chaps. IX, X; A. B. Hart, Salmon P. Chase, Chap. XII.
8. The Surrender of Lee at Appomattox: Rhodes, Vol. V, pp. 112–131; Long, Memoirs of Robert E. Lee, Chaps. XXI, XXII; Grant, Personal Memoirs, Chap. LXVII; C. F. Adams, Lee at Appomattox, Chap. I; G. Bradford, Lee the American, Chap. VII.
RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOUTHERN STATES
With the gradual collapse of the Confederacy there arose the question as to the status of the States which had seceded
and were now occupied by Federal troops. How Lincoln's plan of re were their governments to be reconstructed and construction
what was to be the status of their inhabitants, black and white? President Lincoln's plan of reconstruction was outlined in his Proclamation of December 8, 1863. It authorized the reëstablishment of State governments in the South whenever voters qualified under the suffrage provisions of 1860, to the number of one tenth of those who voted in the presidential election of that year, should take the oath of allegiance to the United States and agree to abide by the acts of Congress and the proclamations of the president concerning slavery. Arkansas had been reorganized on this principle prior to the proclamation, and Louisiana and Tennessee were reorganized in the same way by President Lincoln after the proclamation. Andrew Johnson, as military governor of Tennessee, carried out the work in that State. These States were reorganized on the basis of white suffrage. Lincoln had no intention of conferring the franchise on the negro as a class, though he did hope to see it conferred by the States on a few of the more intelligent.
Johnson's policy was substantially the same as Lincoln's. He still stuck to the ten per cent basis. He was not as
liberal as Lincoln in his proclamation of amnesty. Johnson's policy op
He confined the suffrage to white men, and like posed by the Lincoln, while he favored a qualified suffrage for radicals
negroes, he regarded that as a matter for the States to settle. It should be remembered that at this
time all the Northern States but six denied the negro the ballot.
Johnson was criticized for not convening Congress in extra session, but there is no record that any member of the cabinet advised such a step. In April Sumner hoped that it would not be done. He thought then that Johnson would confer the suffrage on the negro by executive decree. When he found that he could not persuade the president to take this step, Sumner changed his opinion about Congress. In August he wrote: "Refer the whole question of reconstruction to Congress, where it belongs. What right has the president to reorganize States?” Other radical Republican leaders now began to take issue with the president. Thaddeus Stevens wrote to Sumner: “Is there no way to arrest the insane course of the president in reorganization?”
Still the work of reconstruction went on and The Nation said that the president's policy had “the miraculous property of appearing to satisfy all parts and parties
The Southof the country,” and called it another “era of
ern States good feeling.” The Southern States held con- comply with
conditions stitutional conventions in accordance with the imposed by president's instructions, declared the ordinances the
president of secession null and void, repudiated the war debt, and ratified the Thirteenth Amendment, abolishing slavery. These were the conditions of reconstruction imposed by the president.
By the opening of Congress, December 4, 1865, the work had been practically completed, and representatives and senators from most of the Southern States were present with their credentials. On December 8, 1865, the secretary of state issued his proclamation declaring that the Thirteenth Amendment was in force, having been ratified by twentyseven of the thirty-six States. Among the ratifying States he named eight that had seceded.
The radicals in Congress, however, had no intention of