The progress of the movement developed three parties: (1) the ultra Revolutionists, who demanded absolute separation from Spain; (2) the Autonomists, who asked for "home rule" without separation; (3) the Spanish party in power, who opposed any change whatever. The next year (1896) the natives of the Philippines, animated by the example of Cuba, rose in revolt. Spain had therefore to undertake the formidable, if not hopeless, task of endeavoring to suppress two rebellions at the same time, one on one side of the globe, the other on the other. In the case of Cuba the revolutionists had more or less help from filibustering expeditions and funds sent by sympathizers in the United States. President Cleveland in his message of 1896 declared that, independent of all humanitarian considerations, we had a direct pecuniary interest in Cuba "second only to that of the people and government of Spain." He added that if the war should continue it must end in the utter "ruin of the island." President Cleveland concluded by saying that while the United States was willing to grant Spain any reasonable amount of time for pacifying Cuba, we could not permit the strife to go on indefinitely. When President McKinley entered office the Cuban war was raging with unabated fury. The situation was greatly aggravated by the frightful sufferings of the neutral Cuban peasants or noncombatants. On the one hand, the insurgents drove them off their farms and compelled them to support the revolution, or hanged them if they refused. On the other hand, General Weyler, the Spanish leader, forced all peasants within his military area to concentrate in the towns held by his troops. He allotted them certain small areas of land, within the Spanish lines, for cultivation. These wretched people huddled together with their wives and children in confined spaces could not or would not cultivate the fields allotted to them; the result was that immense numbers perished miserably of pestilence and starvation. General Lee, United States Consul at Havana, reported that in the town of Santa Clara alone, out of a population of 14,000, nearly half starved to death in a single year. Spain had sent 200,000 soldiers to Cuba and had well-nigh "bankrupted herself in men and money" in the vain attempt to suppress the rebellion. The insurgents kept up a guerrilla war, ravaging the country, burning buildings, and destroying sugar and tobacco plantations. The loss incurred by American investors alone was estimated at from $30,000,000 to $50,000,000. 575. Demands made on Spain by the United States; reforms granted. The protests of the United States against the continuance of the war passed in great part unheeded. Finally, President McKinley demanded that Spain should take immediate and effectual measures to pacify Cuba. The Spanish government made a conciliatory reply and in the autumn of 1897 recalled General Weyler and sent out General Blanco to grant reforms. Blanco was heartily in favor of pursuing the policy outlined by the Liberal party, which had come into power in Spain. He took active measures to relieve the starving peasants; he appointed native Cubans to office and made a formal offer of "home rule" to the insurgents. The Spanish authorities had made similar pledges of reform in the insurrection of 1868-1878, but had not kept their word. The insurgents had no faith in these new assurances. Gomez, the revolutionist leader, declared that he and his followers would accept nothing short of absolute independence. By his orders the Spanish officer who came as an official peace envoy to his camp was seized and shot as a spy. 576. The destruction of the "Maine "; Congress declares Cuba independent. Such was the condition of affairs in Cuba when an event occurred which suddenly changed everything. The United States had sent Captain Sigsbee to Havana with the battle ship Maine. There was nothing threatening or unfriendly in his visit to that port, and he remained there in peace for nearly three weeks; but on the night of February 15, 1898, the Maine, while lying in the harbor of Havana, was destroyed by an explosion and 2 officers and 264 of her crew were killed. The United States appointed a naval Court of Inquiry to make an investigation. After a long and careful examination they reported that in their opinion" the Maine was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine." The court found no evidence showing whether the explosion was caused by accident or design, and they made no attempt to fix the responsibility for the act on any person or persons. The Spanish government expressed their regret at " the lamentable incident," disavowed all connection with it, declared they believed that the explosion resulted from internal causes, and urged that the whole question should be referred to a committee of arbitration. This suggestion the United States declined to consider. Later, Spain ordered General Blanco to treat with the insurgents for an armistice preparatory to establishing peace, and an offer of nominal independence was made to the Cubans. measures had no practical results with the revolutionists. In April President McKinley sent a special message to Congress. He declared that, "in the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests, which give us the right and the duty to speak and act, the war in Cuba must stop." Shortly afterward Congress took up the matter. A proposition to recognize the Cuban Republic failed, but Congress resolved by joint resolution (April 20, 1898): (1) "That the people of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent."1 (2) That body demanded that Spain should at once withdraw all of her forces from the island. (3) Furthermore, Congress authorized the President to use the entire land and naval forces of the United States to carry the resolution into effect. (4) The United States declared that when the pacification of Cuba should be fully accomplished we would "leave the government and control of the island to its people." 577. War with Spain. An ultimatum was sent to Spain which that power declined to receive. It was now seen that war was inevitable. Shortly after this action of Congress the President 1 See Macdonald's Select Statutes, No. 128. issued a call for 125,000 volunteers, and later for 75,000 more; Captain William T. Sampson, acting Rear Admiral, had been put in command of a naval fleet at Key West, and Commodore W. S. Schley was ordered to organize a "flying squadron" at Hampton Roads. Congress had already placed $50,000,000 in the hands of the President to purchase additional war ships and carry out plans of national defense. Later, the government borrowed $200,000,000 from the people of the United States to prosecute the war. So eager were the people to purchase these new three-per-cent bonds that they subscribed for no less than seven times the amount called for. The act of Congress (1898) which authorized the popular loan also made provision for securing a war revenue. This measure levied special domestic and internal taxes, including stamp duties, on business paper and taxes on legacies and on beer.1 It was expected to yield an annual revenue of from $175,000,000 to $200,000,000. A few days before Congress formally declared war (April 25, 1898) the President sent Captain Sampson with a squadron to blockade Havana and other important Cuban ports. 578. The battle of Manila. Commodore George Dewey was in command of our Asiatic squadron at Hongkong. The President ordered him to proceed at once to Manila, the capital of the Philippines, and "capture or destroy" the Spanish fleet which guarded that important port. (See map facing this page.) The plan was to strike Spain in two vulnerable points, Cuba and the Philippines, at the same time. Dewey had but six war ships, of which only one ranked as a first-class cruiser. Manila was pro tected by fortifications and the Spanish there had twice as many vessels as Dewey, but they were inferior in size and armament to the American squadron; and although the enemy showed no lack of courage, they were miserable gunners. On May 1, 1898, Commodore Dewey sent a dispatch to the President stating that he had just fought a battle in which he had 1 See Dewey's Financial History of the United States, 465. |