acter and great influence-needed money (speculations in railroads being the cause thereof)-upon which he prepared certain bills to the amount of several million francs, and forged on them the signature of the King. Obtaining then an audience of the easy-going monarch, he watched his chance, and coming out of the king's room went at once to one of the latter's secretaries, a fellow nobleman, requesting him to certify that the signatures were genuine. They were clever imitations, and the other, having seen the truthful Marquis come directly from the king, accepted his story and gave the certificate, naturally supposing that his Majesty was in the "desperately short" condition of ex-Senator Carpenter, or of the Apostle who confessed his lack of the precious metals. The bills circulated magnificently, as such things do for a while, but the time of payment arrived and the ingenious Marquis came to an untimely arrest. He has told his story (they all do now-a-days), and obediently to the well-known formula, being a "guilty man " will not be suffered to "escape." This is a bad thing to tell about, and reflects no credit on the human race; but the report of it comes over here opportunely, to say the least.

When German Counts steal, Italian Marquises commit forgery, and married English Countesses elope with married heirs to dukedoms, it is only fair to conclude that democratic institutions do not breed all the worldly wickedness of which we read.

His cause would

DON CARLOS has at length left Spain to peace. have seemed hopeless long ago in any other country; but in Spain, which breeds revolutions and revolts, which ends a five years' struggle by setting up the dynasty to overthrow which it began it, with a population strongly bigoted, grossly ignorant, and very fond of fighting which gave the name of "guerrilla" to warfare—it is not strange that he was able to keep up the contest for so long. The priests, too, who still exercise in Spain a power which smacks of medieval times, were his zealous champions, and the Biscayan and Navarrese peasantry were devoted to his flag. He has gone, however, at last, after causing innumerable sorrows, across the frontier into France, across France to Boulogne, across the channel into England. In that asylum he will no doubt remain awhile, watching another chance. If it be true that the Alfonsist government pro

proposes to signalize its triumph, not by any bold and liberal measure of reform, but by recalling to Madrid that walking compendium of all matronly virtues whom men call Isabella, he may have another chance before he dies.

FRANCE takes at last the real form, if she breathes not yet the true spirit of a republican govenment. The Senate and Chamber of Deputies recently elected have met and organized, the Duke d Andiffret Pasquier being chosen President of the upper, and Mr. Grévy of the lower house. Both are excellent men. The latter particularly is one of the ablest and best Frenchmen in political life. French in the energy and vigor of his character-English in his fairness and respect for law almost German in his calmness under trial. Jules Simon will be a leader of the Republicans in the Senate, where Victor Hugo represents Paris and civilization. Gambetta and Thiers must be the imposing figures of the other chamber. Dutaure, the head of the new ministry, is one of the safest statesmen in France to-day, to use an adjective not often in place in speaking of his countrymen. He is a very able lawyer and an adroit politician, and seems, unlike so many of his predecessors, to have energy without arrogance and able to be firm without exasperating his adversaries. But take him all in all, Gambetta is the most remarkable figure in France to-day. A radical of the radicals when conservatism ruled with an iron rod, a dictator usurping in a great crisis the supreme powers and using them as he pleased, he is, now that the Republic is fairly under way, calm, temperate, conservative. He promises better than any man of his age, and if his life be prolonged will make for himself a permanent place in history.

AMERICANS have had reason very often in the last seven years to feel a satisfaction that the State Department was in the hands of Mr. Fish. The fear of what might happen were he to resign, and the President's peculiar practice in appointments exercised to fill his place, has made many men and newspapers tender in their comments on the Secretary. Some things, it is true, few could commend. His course during the Vienna Exposition, in suspending on the charges of Mr. Jay against Col. Van Buren, not only that individual but also all the innocent, unaccused assistant commissioners, and that without a word of explanation or excuse, seemed both

hasty and unjust. Nor was the matter mended when, without settling the dispute, he suffered the deposed commissioner to be sent to a foreign consulate. His treatment of Mr. Motley was harsh in the extreme, and he has acquiesced in a series of appointments that have reflected little credit on the country. Steinberger's performances, Newman's pilgrimage and some other things, have laid him open to criticism. He has not been just at times to the Centennial, and much of the false impression which prevailed abroad with regard to it and its aims and character, was due to his incapacity to understand or unwillingness to believe the truth concerning it. But on the whole men have realized, to some extent, the difficulties with which the Secretary of State of General Grant has had to contend in his efforts to carry on his department intelligently and with honor they have known Mr. Fish to be a gentleman and a man of character, and have sought to excuse him for the exceptions to a general rule that has been excellent. On this very account, however, it is hard to understand his action in the Schenck matter, which is now uppermost in all men's minds.

The retention of the General so long in London seems, as we said last month, a blunder, but the manner of his taking off is both a blunder and a shame. The American Minister is to-day reported as having resigned. This, to-morrow's Washington despatches authoritatively deny. Then we hear that he is coming home on leave. He so writes to the London journals, and starts for Liverpool. A constable, armed with a writ, meets him at the staiton, and is respectfully referred to Lord Derby. When he is two days at sea, General Grant sends in the name of Mr. Dana, "vice Schenck, resigned." It turns out now that his resignation, twice offered and pressed more than two weeks ago, has long been in Mr. Fish's hands, and that when the General stood under the sacred folds of the stars and stripes at Euston Square, in all the magnificence of his Embassadorial uniform, and gracefully reminded the astonished constable of his diplomatic privileges he had in reality stepped down and out of his high office, and was entitled to wear only the comfortable, but not picturesque costume of an American citizen. It would seem, on the first reading of the now reported despatches, that the General himself had not been guilty of bad faith. He had telegraphed, tendering again his resignation, if his remaining embarrassed the Administration. To this, Mr. Fish replied that, "the

despatch required no answer." Suddenly, on the heels of Belknap's fall, another telegram is sent, accepting the resignation. Surprised, Schenck asks for leave to come home and testify about the Emma mine, following his telegram at once himself. Disgraceful as the manner of his exit is, it is even aggravated as a national annoyance by the evidence that the President and Secretary have suffered the English Ministry and People to be thus deceived. It looks like double dealing, if it is not; and in such things as this, the appearance is almost as bad as the thing itself.

THE name of Mr. Dana has so long been honorably known in literature, politics and law, that his appointment in the place of Schenck has been hailed with satisfaction everywhere. The English journals have vied with our own in praise of the selection, and General Grant has had a new sensation since the news was published. All men have felt that such a minister to England would reflect credit on the country as well as the Administration, and the nomination alone did much to check among Republicans the dismay which Belknap's dishonor had created. In the midst of these rejoicings come two gentlemen not of the general mind. One is a well known writer on international law-the other is an authority of a different kind. They are not friends of Mr. Dana's-nor of his friends, perhaps. They are profoundly impressed, both of them, with the necessity for a thoroughly excellent minister to England. They are agreed unanimously that Mr. Dana is not such a man. "He is a literary pirate and has stolen my thunder," says the first, whose name is Lawrence. "He ran against me in the Essex district," says the second, whose name is Butler. "He is deficient in moral sense" says the former-" and even scratches the ticket," says the latter, with a groan. A very immoral man, they both again agree. Such things, though they come from the lips of publicists and sinners like Wm. Beach Lawrence and Benjamin Franklin Butler, cannot fail of effect upon a committee of which Messrs. Cameron, Morton, Hamlin, Conkling, Freylinghuysen and Howe form the majority. The charge of literary piracy in itself would actually shock the fine feelings of several of these gentlemen. "He has stolen notes"-one can imagine the chairman saying, in a tone of sorrow" Governor Lawrence says he has stolen notes! As bad as bribery! though no one mentions the amount for which they

were drawn." "He has scratched the ticket," we hear them all cry out. "Ben. Butler can't vouch for his Republicanism! We can confirm none but real Republicans, as sure as Beach Lawrence is a publicist and Cushing's Minister to Spain!" The truth seems to be that Mr. Lawrence and the Wheaton family are engaged in litigation which has involved Mr. Dana, the more recent editor of Mr. Wheaton's works. Charges of plagiarism are easily made, and not always easy to disprove, even when no fault has been committed. But these have long ago been completely and conclusively answered to the satisfaction of all who know the facts. Charges of scratching tickets and bolting bad nominations are happily becoming more frequent every day, and sometimes do not need an answer. If the Senate Committee were made of different stuff, the spectacle of Ben. Butler opposing the confirmation of Richard Henry Dana would be laughable as it is, however, there is real danger at this writing that the best appointment made by General Grant since he put Bristow in the Cabinet, and one which has given the party and people new heart for the moment, will be defeated on the ex-parte statements and out of deference to the personal enmity of Mr. Lawrence, a Northern Democrat with Southern principles, and of General Butler, the most dangerous adventurer yet bred by the hot sun of American politics.

At last, after two years of patient labor—at last, after two years of feverish expectation-at last, after two years of animated lobbying, Pinchback has been unsuccessful, and Senator Morton mourns. Not as one without hope, be it said, but still as a man who feels how saddest of all things is the "might have been." By a very close vote, in which six or seven Republicans voted with the Democrats, the dusky gentleman was refused admittance, and the doors of the Senate cruelly shut upon the "honored representative of the twilight millions." It seems rather late in the day to accuse a Senate, of which Mr. Revels was a respected member and in which Mr. Bruce is sitting to-day, of hostility to Mr. Pinchback on the ground of color; but this, of course, has been done. There are minds which could be made to think that the whole question turned upon the color of the applicant's hair or the length of his nose, and with such there need be no attempt to wrestle. The result, however