German papers commented on the message bitterly. The Hamburger Fremdenblatt, in a leading article, described it · as "opening in untruth, continuing in hypocrisy, and ending in blasphemy." The Berlin Morgen Post remarked that "just as the whole policy of this professor was insincere, insidious, and malicious from the beginning, so also was this speech with which he tried to plunge and had plunged his people into war." Perhaps no part of the message caused greater annoyance to the German press than the careful differentiation made between America's hostility to the German Government as distinct from its hostility to the German people. The semi-official Berlin Lokal-Anzeiger thought it "impossible that the ruler of a nation who has at his disposal the reports of his Ambassador and numerous other sources of information regarding the events of the early part of August, 1914, in Berlin, should really believe that this war was not begun with the assent of the German people." The Hannoverische Courier was inclined to doubt the President's veracity, and even went so far as to suggest a similar thought to its readers by heading its editorial "Wilson Lies." It remarked that the President "concealed his wolf nature in a sheep's clothing of peace." His acts and notes "always breathed so much hypocrisy and love of misrepresentation that it was not difficult to recognize his spiritual kinship to Great Britain." His declaration of war was "alike dishonorable, impudent, and stupid." The Kölnische Zeitung thought us "less dangerous as an open enemy than as a neutral." It expected no results because "the American army is not sufficient even to defeat Mexico." The American declaration was "nothing but a gigantic bluff designed to save the sinking British friend, and the billions. with which the Entente horse has been backed." The organ of the Krupp firm, the Essen Rheinisch-Westfalische Zeitung, thought the war would be over before our troops could appear on the scene, altho if we should arrive in time a cordial welcome was assured us. Fresh ship-loads of ammunition could not go from America to England "because submarines bar the way. New American gold would be thrown into the scales, "but we counter with a war-loan." The American fleet could not perform what the so-called ocean-dominat

ing British fleet had been unable to achieve. Submarines would continue "to hold England by the throat." A common remark among Germans was that America had only "a wooden sword."

Captain Persius, however, writing in the Berlin Tageblatt, criticized those who treated America's entry into the war lightly. "It would be a fatal mistake," he said, "to regard America's economic strength as the only important factor for an enemy." The military strength of the United States was not to be "met with a shrug of the shoulders." Otherwise Germany would "make the same mistake as we did about the military strength of Britain." Otto Hoetsch, a prominent political writer, in the Kreuz Zeitung, contended that Germany had a perfect right to make her own international law as far as submarines are concerned, and also in regard to neutrals, for whose future interests Germany was fighting. He charged that America had never been neutral from the beginning of the war, which would have been over long before if America had not abetted the Entente. Germany, in trying to avoid a conflict, had "played into the hands of her opponents." He blamed the German Embassy in Washington for this. It was "the weakest spot in the whole diplomatic service." Apart from its glaring mistakes, the Embassy "lacked an understanding of American psychology, the best proof of this being the failure of the whole German propaganda." The writer declared that it was "to the Kaiser's lasting merit that he made every effort to hold America's friendship." As for the German-Americans, they "must realize that the Fatherland had been deeply disappointed in them."

The Volks Zeitung, of Cologne, after abusing President Wilson, declared that Germany was "entitled to a thumping war indemnity from America, since other States, which had sacrificed immense sums, would be unable to pay it.” Therefore, America, "which has earned thousands and millions through munitions and supplies, will have to unbutton its pockets." The Frankfurter Zeitung freely admitted that "saber rattling had been to a large extent the cause of world-wide hostility toward Germany." "History will condemn this deed of a stubborn fanatic," said the semi-official

Berlin Lokal Anzeiger, which also remarked that President Wilson's assertion that the war was not against the German people but against the German Government would not "lessen German anger, because it is untrue and dishonest, and Wilson knows it." On this point the Berlin Vossische Zeitung said that "efforts to dissociate the German Government from the people are perfidious," and the statement that the Kaiser started the war for dynastic reasons "apparently was made at England's command." The same paper regretfully recalled that "German policy had considered it the right thing to refuse to consider a 'Bryan treaty,' such as England and other Powers concluded with the United States," for, "if such a treaty existed to-day the United States would be in duty bound, before breaking off relations, to submit the question in controversy to a commission which could take at least a year to reach a verdict." The Tageblatt pointed out that Mr. Wilson's decision would be of more far-reaching consquence to the United States than to Germany, for "once for all, the Monroe Doctrine is done with, and so is the policy of avoidance of entangling alliances."

In sharp contrast to these bitter comments found in the German press was the enthusiastic approval of English and French journals and their unrestrained admiration for President Wilson, whose action, according to the London Times, was "an event to influence the destiny of mankind on both sides of the Atlantic for a generation to come." It added that no greater action, except the war itself, had happened since the French Revolution "shattered the traditions of feudalism in Europe." The cause in which America had drawn the sword and the grounds on which the President justified the momentous step he had taken were "auguries that the final outcome would be for the happiness and welfare of mankind." That paper doubted if in all history "a great community has ever been summoned to war on grounds so largely ideal." If the President's speech meant anything, said the London Daily Express, it meant that "America will never treat with the Kaiser and will resolutely oppose any peace that leaves the Hohenzollerns on the German throne." The London Morning Post singled

out the President's point that the continued existence of a German military autocracy was totally incompatible with future peace, and said that the President and the American people "serve the world's highest interest by proving that there is such a thing as the solidarity of civilization." Mr. Lloyd George declared that America had "at one bound become a world power." In behalf of the British War Cabinet, he recognized "the chivalry and courage which called the people of the United States to dedicate the whole of their resources to the greatest cause that ever engaged human endeavor." Mr. Asquith welcomed the day when "the two great English-speaking Democracies can rejoice together as fellow-workers and fellow-combatants for the triumph of freedom and for right." Bonar Law declared Mr. Wilson's message "a fitting pendant to the revolution which has brought the Russian people within the circle of free nations," and added, "It is when America throws her weight into the scale that the end becomes certain."

France was no less eager to welcome her new ally. President Poincaré, in a cable-letter to President Wilson, said: "The war would not have reached its final import had not the United States been led by the enemy himself to take part in it." M. Hanotaux declared that the gravest of the errors of autocracy in this war was to have so acted as "to bring America into the war at the moment when it enters upon its most decisive phase." Paris dispatches reported Premier Ribot as saying to American press correspondents, on April 4: "It is a red-letter day for us" and "a memorable day in your history and in the history of the world." Jules Cambon, Secretary-General of the Foreign Office, said the President's message was "a great battle won from Germany. He was convinced that it would "shorten the war considerably." Rome dispatches said the news was received with rejoicing by the Italian people. America's action had raised them to "the highest pitch of enthusiasm." When the news was heard in Petrograd, at the Tauride Palace, where the Council of Soldiers and Workingmen's Deputies was in session, it "evoked a storm of applause and soon the entire palace echoed with shouts and cheers." Dispatches quoted Foreign Minister Miliukoff as saying: "The

ideal side of the war is once more emphasized by the intervention of America."

Within twenty-four hours there came over London a remarkable change of opinion as to the length of the war. There was in some quarters a somewhat general belief, or hope, that peace might be only a matter of weeks. America had launched an offensive without using a man or a gun that would prove powerful enough to convince Germany that it would be well to end hostilities. She could not fail to consider the force which America had brought to bear against her as something as effective as five, ten, or twenty divisions of men. Many Britons talked of peace by May or June, with the maximum forecast fixing November as the final month of hostilities. Friday, April 20, was set apart in London as "America Day." The Stars and Stripes were on that day unfurled from the great Victoria Tower of the Houses of Parliament. The British Government also gave instructions that the Stars and Stripes should be flown beside the Union Jack on that day from as many public buildings as possible. The sale of American flags in London became so enormous that many dealers were soon sold out.

With the Stars and Stripes and the Union Jack fluttering fraternally on April 20 from the same flagstaff at the top of the Victoria Tower at Westminster, where in all the long history of the Mother of Parliaments hitherto no flag other than the British had ever been hoisted; with the King and Queen and other notable representatives of the British realm listening to an inspired oration by an American Bishop in St. Paul's Cathedral on President Lincoln's text that ballots, not bullets, are the true weapons of Democracy; with Ameri