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CONTROL OF BOTH
NOVEMBER 4, 1918– REPUBLICANS GAIN
HOUSES OF CONGRESS.
TO CALL ON MARSHAL FOCH POR ARMISTICE TERMS, WHICH
(The Allied Council at Versailles had drawn up terms upon the basis of President Wilson's program, with two slight modifica. tions, namely, freedom of the seas to be left open for discussion, and compensation to be made by Germany for damage done by land, sea and from the air.) NOVEMBER 11, 1918-Mons OCCUPIED BY BRITISH; SEDAN
BY AMERICANS. NOVEMBER 11, 1918-PRESIDENT Wilson ANNOUNCES TO
CONGRESS ACCBPTANCE OF TERMS OF ARMISTICE.
(Evacuation, reparation, surrender of quantities of guns, ships, and equipment; blockade continued. Alsace-Lorraine restored. Rhenish region to be occupied by Allies as a guarantee.)
"PEACE." PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS TO CONGRESS ANNOUNCINO ARMISTICE
TERMS, NOVEMBER 11, 1918. Gentlemen of the Congress:
In these times of rapid and stupendous change it will in some degree lighten my sense of responsibility to perform in person the duty of communicating to you some of the larger circumstances of the situation with which it is necessary to deal.
The German authorities, who have at the invitation of the Supreme War Council been in communication with Marshal Foch, have accepted and signed the terms of armistice, which he was authorized and instructed to communicate to them. (President Wilson read the terms of armistice, and continued.)
The war thus comes to an end, for, having accepted these terms of armistice, it will be impossible for the German command to renew it.
It is not now possible to assess the consequences of this great consummation. We know only that this tragical war, whose consuming Aames swept from one nation to another until all the world was on fire, is at an end and that it was the privilege of our own people to enter it at its most critical juncture in such fashion and in such force as to contribute in a way of which we are all deeply proud, to the great result. We know, too, that the
object of the war is attained; the object upon which all free men had set their hearts; and attained with a sweeping completeness which even now we do not realize.
World domination such as the men conceived who were but yesterday the masters of Germany is at an end, its illicit ambitions engulfed in black disaster. Who will now seek to revive it?
The arbitrary power of the military caste of Germany which once could secretly and of its own single choice disturb the peace of the world is discredited and destroyed. And more than that, much more than that-has been accomplished. The great nations which associated themselves to destroy it have now definitely united in the common purpose to set up such a peace as will satisfy the longing of the whole world for disinterested justice, embodied in settlements which are based upon something much better and more lasting than the selfish competitive interests of powerful states.
There is no longer conjecture as to the objects the victors have in mind. They have a mind in the matter, not only, but a heart also, and the avowed and concerted purpose is to satisfy and protect the weak as well as to accord their just rights to the strong.
The humane temper and intention of the victorious governments has already been manifested in a very practical way. Their representatives in the Supreme War Council at Versailles have by unanimous resolution assured the peoples of the central empires that everything that is possible in the circumstances will be done to supply them with food and relieve the distressing want that is in so many places threatening their very lives and steps are to be taken immediately to organize these efforts at relict in the same systematic manner that they were organized in the case of Belgium. By the use of the idle tonnage of the central empires it ought presently to be possible to lift the fear of utter misery from their oppressed populations and set their minds and energies free for the great and hazardous tasks of political reconstruction which now face them on every hand. Hunger does not breed reform; it breeds madness and all the ugly distempers that make an ordered life impossible.
For with the fall of the ancient governments which rested like an incubus on the peoples of the central empires, has come political change not merely, but revolution; and revolution which seems as yet to assume no final and ordered form but to run from one fluid change to another, until thoughtful men are forced to ask themselves, with what governments and of what sort are we about to deal in the making of covenants of peace? With what authority will they meet us, with what assurance that their authority will abide and sustain securely the international arrange
ments into which we are about to enter? There is here matter for no small anxiety and misgiving. When peace is made, upon whose promises and engagements besides our own is it to rest?
Let us be perfectly frank with ourselves and admit that these questions cannot be satisfactorily answered now or at once, but the moral is not that there is little hope of an early answer that will suffice. It is only that we must be patient and helpful and mindful above all of the great hope and confidence that lie at the heart of what is taking place. Excesscs accomplish nothing. Unhappy Russia has furnished abundant recent proof of that. Disorder immediately defeats itself. If excesses should occur, if disorder should for a time raise its head, a sober second thought will follow and a day of constructive action, if we help and do not hinder.
The present and all that it holds belongs to the nations and the peoples who preserve their self-control and the orderly processes of their governments; the future to those who prove themselves the true friends of mankind. To conquer with arms is to make only a temporary conquest. I am confident that the nations that have learned the discipline of freedom and that have settled with self-possession to its ordered practice are now about to make conquest of the world by the sheer power of example and of friendly helpfulness.
The peoples who have just come out from under the yoke of arbitrary government and who are now coming at last into their freedom will never find the treasures of liberty they are in search of if they look for them by the light of the torch. They will find that every pathway that is stained with blood of their own brothers Icads to the wilderness, not to the seat of their hope. They are now face to face with their initial test. We must hold the light steady until they find themselves. And in the meantime, it it be possible, we must establish a peace that will justly define their place among the nations, remove all fear of their neighbors and of their former masters and enable them to live in security and contentment when they have set their own affairs in order. I, for one, do not doubt their purpose or their capacity. There are some happy signs that they know and will choose the way of self-control and peaceful accommodation. If they do we shall put our aid at their disposal in every way that we can. If they do not we must await with patience and sympathy the awakening and recovery that will assuredly come at last.
THE END. (This speech concludes President Wilson's addresses upon the war. Subsequent utterances belong in a compilation on Peace.)
Empire who have so far conducted
He deems the answer to The German Government requests these questiuns vital from every the President of the United States point of view. of America to take steps for the SECOND GERMAN NOTE restoration of peace, to notify, all
October 18 belligerents of this request and to invite them to delegate plenipoten.
In reply to the questions of the tiarics for the purpose of taking up
President of the United States of negotiations. The German Govern.
America, the German Government ment accepts as a basis for peace
hereby declares: negotiations the program laid down
The German Government has ac.
cepted the by the President of the United
laid down by States in his message to Congress
President Wilson in his address of of Jan. 8, 1918, and in his subse.
Jan. 8, and in his subsequent ad.
dresses on the foundation of a per. quent pronouncements, particularly in his address of Sept. 27, 1018. In
manent peace of justice, order to avoid further 'bloodshed
The German Government declarcs the German Government requests
Itselt ready to comply with the to bring about the immediate con.
proposition of the President in re. clusion of a general armistice on
gard to evacuation. land, on water, and in the air.
The Chancellor speaks in the name
of the German Government and of FIRST WILSON REPLY
the German people. October 8
(Signed) SOLF. Before making reply to the re State Secretary of Foreign Office quest of the Imperial German Gov. crnment and in order that that re
SECOND WILSON REPLY
October 18 ply shall be as candid and straight. forward as the momentous interests The unqualified acceptance by the involved require, the President of present German Government and by the United States dcems it neces. a large majority of the German sary to assure himself of the exact Reichstag of the terms laid down meaning of the note of th: Imperial by the President of the United Chancellor. Does the Imperial Chan. States of America in his address to cellor mean that the Imperial Ger. the Congress of the United States man Government accepts the terms on the 8ih of January, 2018, and his laid down by the President in his subsequent addresses, justifies the address to the Congress of the President in making a frank and United States on the 8th of January
direct statement of his decision with last and in subsequent addresses regard to the communications of and that its object in entering into
the German Government of the 8th discussions would be only to agree
and 12th of October, 1918. upon thic practical details of their It must be clearly understood application
that the process of evacuation and The President feels bound to say the conditions of an armistice are with regard to the suggestion of an
matters which must be left to the armistice that he would not feel at judgment and advice of the military liberty to propose a cessation of advisers of the government of the arms the governments with United States and the allied gov. which the Government of the United ernments, and the President feels States is associated against the it his duty to say that ao arrange. Central Powers so long as the ar. ment can be accepted by the gov. mics of these powers are upon their ernment of the United States which soil. The good faith of any discus. does not provide absolutely satisfac. sion would manifestiy depend upon tory safeguards and guarantees of the consent of the Central Powers the maintenance of the present mili. immediately to withdraw their forces tary. supremacy of the armies of everywhere from invaded territory. the United Staies and of the Allies
The President also feels that he is in the field. He feels confident that justified in asking whether the Im. he can safely, assume that this will perial Chancellor is speaking merely also be the judgment and decision for the constituted authorities of the of the allied governments.