subjects of difference between the 2 Countries, were discussed at great length, much in the same manner which you have now insisted upon repeating. The questions of Indemnities for Spoliations, Spanish and French, and for the suppression of the Deposite at New Orleans, of the Eastern and of the Western Boundary of Louisiana, were discanted upon with a pertinacity as indefatigable by Don Pedro Cevallos as by yourself. He bestowed as many pages upon the terms retrocede and retrocession as you have done. He appealed with equal confidence and alacrity to the opinions, and cited with equal complacency the Testimonials of the Ministers of Napoleon, and reminded Messrs. Monroe and Pinckney, with a satisfaction not inferior to your own, of the "very pointed" manner in which the French Minister of Foreign Relations, M. Talleyrand, in announcing the sentiments of His Imperial Majesty, observed, that "to make known the rights which France had acquired, was to indicate the extent and the limits of those which she transmitted to the Federal Government." To every thing that had the semblance of reason and argument, adduced in the successive Notes of M. Cevallos, the American Ministers temperately and patiently replied; they unfolded, with a clearness and precision to which nothing can now be added, the Claims of The United States, and the facts and principles by which they were supported. They proposed, at the commencement of the Negotiation, a Project of a Convention for the adjustment of all the interests in dispute. After all the subjects had been thoroughly discussed, they presented a Second Project, modified in the most conciliatory spirit of accommodation to Spain. They invited, and reiterated, almost to importunity, the invitation to a Counter-project, or Proposals on the part of the Spanish Government. These unwearied efforts were met by a constant, invariable, inflexible refusal, either to accept their proposals, or make to them any whatsoever in return.

You speak of the Titles, Dates, Documents, and Arguments, produced on the "part of Spain, at that Negotiation, incontestably proving, by abundant and irresistible evidence, the rights of the Spanish Monarchy to the Territory in question."

If such had been the facts, where would be the pretence that the American Ministers had prematurely suspended or given up the Negotiation? But M. Cevallos produces no such Titles, Dates or Documents; the only Title ever alleged by him in support of the pretensions of Spain was the Title of Retrocession, applied to the Treaty of St. Ildephonso; the only date was that of 1690, which he assigned as the period of the first Spanish Settlement of Texas, which date was years later than the Settlement of La Salle, at the head of the Bay of St. Bernard; and the only Documents were the dictatorial and menacing Testimonials of the French Minister of Foreign Relations. That all the Titles, Dates and Documents then referred to, were in

5

sufficient in the estimation of your own Government to establish the rights which you have claimed, is manifest from the efforts which you have made to bring forward others, and from the character of those to which you have resorted, an unknown, and as it is believed, imaginary, Treaty of 1764, and a Royal exterminating Order of Philip the IInd.

You perceive, Sir, that the Government of The United States is not prepared, either to renounce any of the Claims which it has been so long urging upon the justice of Spain, or to acquiesce in any of those arguments which appear to you so luminous and irresistible.

Determined to pursue the establishment of their rights, as long as by any possibility they can be pursued through the paths of Peace, they have acquiesced, as the Message of the President, at the cominencement of the present Session of Congress, has informed you, in that policy of Spain, which has hitherto procrastinated the amicable adjustment of these interests, not from an insensibility to their importance to this Union, nor from any indifference to the object of being upon cordial terms of harmony with Spain; but because peace is among the dearest and most earnest objects of their policy; and because they have considered, and still cousider it, more congenial to the principles of humanity, and to the permanent welfare of both Nations, to wait for the favorable operation of time upon the prejudices and passions opposed to them, than to resort to the unnecessary agency of force. After a lapse of 13 years of patient forbearance, in waiting for the moment when Spain should find it expedient to meet their constant desire of bringing to a happy and harmonious termination all the conflicting interests between them, it will need little additional effort to wait somewhat longer with the same expectation. The President deems this course even more advisable, than that of referring the questions depending between the 2 Nations to the arbitrament or mediation of one or more friendly European Powers, as you have been authorized to propose. The statement in your Note of the 10th of February, in reference to this subject, is not altogether correct. It is not the British Government which, on this occasion, has offered; but your Government which, without first consulting or asking the concurrence of The United States, has requested the mediation of Great Britain. The British Government, as must be well known to you, have declined the offer of their mediation, unless it should be requested by both Parties; and have communicated to the Government of The United States this overture, on the part of Spain. The President has thought proper, from motives which he has no doubt will be deemed satisfactory both to Great Britain and Spain, to decline uniting in this request. He is indeed, fully persuaded, that, notwithstanding any prepossessions, which the British Government may have heretofore entertained with regard to any of the points in controversy, they would have been entirely discarded in assuming the office of a Medi

ator. But it has hitherto been the policy, both of Europe and of The United States, to keep aloof from the general Federative System of each other. The European States are combined together, and connected with one another by a multitude of important interests and relations, with which The United States have no concern, with which they have always manifested the determination not to interfere, and of which, no communication being made to them by the Governments of Europe, they have not information, competent to enable them to estimate their extent and bearings. The United States, in justice to themselves, in justice to that harmony which they earnestly desire to cultivate with all the Powers of Europe, in justice to that fundamental system of policy, which forbids them from entering the labyrinth of European politics, must decline soliciting or acceding to the interference of any other Government of Europe, for the settlement of their differences with Spain.

But however discouraging the tenor and character of your recent Notes has been to the hopes, which the promises and professions of your Government had excited, that the time for adjustment of these differences with Spain, herself, had at length arrived, The United States will not abandon the expectation, that more correct views of the subject will ultimately be suggested to your Government; and they will always be disposed to meet them in the spirit of justice and amity. With regard to those parts of the Province of Louisiana, which have been incorporated within the State of that name, it is time that the discussion should cease. Forming part of the Territory of a Sovereign and independent State of this Union, to dispose of them is not within the competency of the Executive Government of The United States, nor will the discussion be hereafter continued. But if you have Proposals to make, to which it is possible for the Government of The United States to listen, with a prospect of bringing them to any practicable conclusion, I am authorized to receive them, and to conclude with you a Treaty for the adjustment of all the differences between the 2 Nations, upon terms which may be satisfactory to both.

With regard to the motives for the occupation of Amelia Island, the Messages from the President of The United States to Congress, and my Letter to you of 16th January, have given the explanations which, it is presumed, will be satisfactory to your Government. The exposed and feeble situation of that Island, as well as of the remainder of East Florida, with their local position in the neighborhood of The United States, have always been among the primary inducements of The United States, for urging to Spain the expediency to the interests of both Nations, that Spain should cede them for a just and suitable equivalent to The United States. In the Letter of the 28th of January, 1805, from Messrs, Pinckney and Monroe to M. Cevallos, the following passage stands prominent among the arguments used by them to

that effect. "Should Spain," say they, "not place a strong Force in Florida, it will not escape your Excellency's attention, that it will be much exposed to the danger of being taken possession of by some other Power, who might wish to hold it with very different views towards Spain, than those which animate the Government of The United States. Without a strong Force being there, it might even become an asylum for Adventurers and Freebooters, to the great annoyance of both Nations."

You know, Sir, how far the events, thus anticipated, and pointed out so early as in January, 1805, to the prudent forecast of Spain, have been realized. Pensacola has been occupied by another Power, for the purpose of carrying on War from it against The United States, and Amelia Island has been occupied by Adventurers, to the great annoyance of both Nations, and of all others engaged in lawful Commerce upon the Gulf of Mexico. Before these events occurred, the Congress of The United States, aware of the great and growing danger of them, which had been so long before distinctly foreseen, had made it the duty of the Executive Government, in the case of such a contingency, to take the temporary possession of the Country which might be necessary, to avert the injuries that must result from it. Amelia Island was taken, not from the possession of Spain, but of those from whom she had been equally incapable of keeping or of recovering its possession, and who were using it for purposes incompatible with the Laws of Nations and of The United States. No purpose,

either of taking or of retaining it as a conquest from Spain, has ever been entertained; and unless ceded by Spain to The United States, it will be restored whenever the danger of its being again thus occupied and misused shall have ceased.

It is needless to add, that the Proposal that The United States should take any further measures than those already provided by Law for preventing armaments hostile to Spain within the Territories of The United States, is inadmissible. The measures already taken, and the Laws already existing against all hostile armaments within our jurisdiction, incompatible with the obligations of Neutrality, are sufficient for its preservation; and the necessary means will continue to be used, as they have been, to carry them faithfully into execution.

I have the honor to be, &c.

H. E. Don Luis de Onis.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS.

(Enclosure 1.)—Don Martin D'Alarconne to M. de la Harpe.

MONSIEUR,

(Translation.)

Trinity River, 20th May, 1719. I AM very sensible of the politeness that M. de Bienville and yourself have had the goodness to show to me. The orders I have received from the King, my Master, are to maintain a good under

standing with the French of Louisiana; my own inclinations lead me equally to afford them all the services that depend upon me. But I am compelled to say, that your arrival at the Nassonite Village, surprizes me very much.

Your Governor could not be ignorant that the Post you occupy belongs to my Government, and that all the lands West of the Nassonites depend upon New Mexico.

I counsel you to give advice of this to M. Bienville, or you will force me to oblige you to abandon lands that the French have uo right to occupy. I have the honor to be, &c. M. de la Harpe.

D'ALARCONNE.

(Enclosure 2.)—Monsieur de la Harpe to Don Martin D'Alarconne. MONSIEUR, (Translation.) Nassonite, 8th July, 1719. THE order from His Catholic Majesty to maintain a good understanding with the French of Louisiana, and the kind intentions you have yourself expressed towards them, accord but little with your proceedings. Permit me to inform you, that M. de Bienville is perfectly informed of the Limits of his Government, and is very certain that the Post of Nassonite depends not upon the Dominions of His Catholic Majesty. He knows also that the Province of Lastekas of which you say you are Governor, is a part of Louisiana. M. de la Salle took possession in 1685, in the name of His Most Christian Majesty; and since the above epoch, possession has been renewed from time to time.

Respecting the Post of Nassonite, I cannot comprehend by what right you pretend that it forms a part of New Mexico. I beg leave to represent to you, that Don Antoine du Miroir, who discovered New Mexico in 1683, never penetrated East of that Province or the Rio Bravo. It was the French who first made alliances with the Savage Tribes in this Region; and it is natural to conclude, that a river that flows into the Mississippi, and the lands it waters, belong to the King, my Master.

If you will do me the pleasure to come into this Quarter, I will convince you I hold a Post I know how to defend.

I have the honor, &c.

Don M. D'Alarconne.

DE LA HARPE.

(Enclosure 3.)-Order of the French Commandant General of Louisiana.

(Translation.)

On the 10th of August, 1721, M. de la Harpe received the following Order:

Jean Baptiste de Bienville, Chevalier of the Military Order of St. Louis and Commandant General for the King in the Province of Louisiana :