When war

above all, I do not desire to see a civil war. begins, whether civil or foreign, no human sight is competent to foresee when, or how, or where, it is to terminate. But when a civil war shall be lighted up in the bosom of our own happy land, and armies are marching, and commanders winning their victories, and fleets are in motion on our coasts-tell me, if you can, tell me if any human being can tell its duration? God alone knows where such a war will end. In what state will be left our institutions? In what state our liberties? I want no war; above all no war at home.

Have not her ances

Have we not, con

"Sir, I repeat, that I think South Carolina has been rash, intemperate, and greatly in the wrong; but I do not want to disgrace her, nor any other member of this Union. No: I do not desire to see the lustre of one single star dimmed of that glorious Confederacy, which constitutes our political sun; still less do I wish to see it blotted out, and its light obliterated forever. Has not the State of South Carolina been one of the members of this Union 'in days that tried men's souls? tors fought alongside our ancestors? jointly, won together many a glorious battle? If we had to go into a civil war with such a State, how would it terminate? Whenever it should have terminated, what would be her condition? If she should ever return to the Union, what would be the condition of her feelings and affections-what the state of the heart of her people? She has been with us before, when her ancestors mingled in the throng of battle, and as I hope our posterity will mingle with hers for ages and centuries to come in the united defence of liberty, and for the honor and glory of the Union. I do not wish to see her degraded or defaced as a member of this Confederacy.

"In conclusion, allow me to entreat and implore each

individual member of this body to bring into the consideration of this measure, which I have the honor of proposing, the same love of country which, if I know myself, has actuated me; and the same desire of restoring harmony to the Union, which has prompted this effort. If we can forget for a moment-but that would be asking too much of human nature-if we could suffer, for one moment, party feelings and party causes-and as I stand here, before my God, I declare I have looked beyond those considerations, and regarded only the vast interests of this united people—I should hope that, under such feelings and with such dispositions, we may advantageously proceed to the consideration of this bill, and heal, before they are yet bleeding, the wounds of our distracted country."

The introduction of this bill, by Mr. Clay, caused great sensation. It was, perhaps, .the most trying period of his life. Public meetings had been held in various places, in the manufacturing States, denouncing any modification of the protective system, and charging a disposition to such legislation to intimidation from the threats of South Carolina.* The Legislatures of Massa

* The following are some of a series of Resolutions adopted by a Tariff meeting at Boston, January 28, 1833:

"Resolved, That any legislation on the subject of the Tariff is highly injudicious at the present crisis.

"Resolved, That a surrender of the principle of protection, by a repeal of the Act of 1832, before the date of its operation, and by the same Congress which passed it, can be attributed to no cause but fear of the threats of South Carolina.

"Resolved, That when the threats of a single State can intimidate Congress into an abandonment of measures deliberately adopted for the good of the whole, the Union will be virtually dissolved.

“Resolved, That we earnestly hope and confidently trust in the wisdom and firmness of Congress, that they will reject a bill which threatens such disgrace and disaster to the country.

"Resolved, That the only proper and expedient manner of lessening

chusetts, Rhode Island, Vermont, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, had passed resolutions strongly opposed to any such legislation. Mr. Clay, on this occasion, had to break with his old political friends, while he was offering up the darling system of his heart upon the altar of his country.

Whatever else may be said of him, no one can deny that Henry Clay was a patriot-every inch of him—a patriot of the highest standard. It is said, that when he was importuned not to take the course he had resolved upon, for the reason amongst others, that it would lessen his chances for the Presidency, his reply was, "I would rather be right than be President." This showed the material he was made of. It was worthy a Marcellus or Cato.

Just so soon as he got through with the speech announcing the introduction of the bill, Mr. Calhoun immediately arose. The scene was intensely interesting as described by those who witnessed it. It was just such a scene as occurred in the same Hall on the 17th day of June, 1850, seventeen years afterwards, when Mr. Webster arose to speak on the turning question of the great adjustment of that year, as we shall see hereafter. All eyes were instantly fixed upon the Senator of South Carolina, as he addressed the Chair. The galleries and lobbies and aisles of the Chamber were crowded. record of what occurred is thus put up. I still read from the same authority, pages 416-417.

The

Mr. Calhoun rose and said he would make but one or

the revenue, is to reduce the duties on articles not coming into competition with the products of the industry of this country, and to increase the duties upon such articles as can be supplied by our own labor, to such an extent as shall limit the importations from abroad, and thus diminish the revenue to the amount required.”—Niles's Register. *Statesman's Manual, vol. 3, p. 1010.