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What to Teach: The Articles of Confederation; Ordinances of 1787; Condition of the Country; Making of the Constitution; The Northwest Territory.

I. REFERENCES.

Higginson's Young Folks, pp. 215-219; Thalheimer's Eclectic, pp. 180, 181; Barnes, p. 142; Scudder, pp. 202– 204, 243-245; Sheldon Barnes, pp. 196-199, 203-207;

Lossing (large), pp. 355–361; Coffin's Building the Nation, pp. 17-26; Irving-Fiske, pp. 492-499; Anderson, pp. 203206; Eggleston, pp. 197–200; Montgomery, pp. 185–190; Nordhoff's Politics for Young Americans, pp. 117–121; Gilman, III., pp. 94–100; Johnston, pp. 103–109; Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, pp. 569-578; Hildreth, III., pp. 527, 528.

II. SPECIAL TOPICS.

Question of Western Lands, Hildreth, III., pp. 398, 399; Society of Cincinnatus, Bancroft, I., p. 82; Jealousy of the States, Montgomery, p. 186, Higginson's Young Folks, p. 214; Shay's Rebellion, Hale's Story of Massachusetts, pp. 300-303; Lossing (large), p. 353; Paper Money, Richardson, p. 243; Maryland's Delay in adopting Articles of Confederation, Frothingham's Rise of the Republic, pp. 574, 575, Johnston, pp. 139, 140.

III. OUTSIDE READINGS.

History: Fiske's Critical Period; Bancroft, VI., pp. 24– 203; Old South Leaflets; Johnston's American Politics, pp. 3-17; Winsor's History of America, VII., chap. iii.; Johnston's American Orations, Orations of Henry, Hamilton, and Washington; Lalor's Cyclopædia, pp. 574-577, 606-610; Johns Hopkins University Series; Hinsdale's Old Northwest; Scudder's Washington, pp. 206–218; Barber's New England, pp. 466-469; Hildreth, III., pp. 395-404.

What to Teach: The Confederation and the Federal Constitution.

I. REFERENCES.

Fiske's War of Independence, pp. 182–193; Articles of Confederation, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 93–99; Ordinance of 1787, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 204-206; Cession of Western Lands, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 192194

II. SPECIAL TOPICS.

Jealousy of States, Gilman's American People, p. 337 and note; The Northwest Territory, Fiske's American Independence, p. 188; Foreign Estimate of United States, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 140, 141; Quarrel between Connecticut and Pennsylvania, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 148-150; The New Hampshire Grants, Fiske's Critical Period, pp. 151-153.

III. OUTSIDE READINGS.

History: Northwestern Land Claims and Cessions, Hinsdale's Old Northwest, pp. 192-255; The Ordinance of 1787, Hinsdale's Old Northwest, pp. 263-280; Lossing's Field Book of the Revolution, pp. 652-658; Schouler, I., pp. 14-35; Von Holst's Constitutional History of the United States, 1750-1833, pp. 17-46.

IV. SUGGESTIVE NOTES.

If there is any one period of United States history the study of which should make us grateful for the blessings of a strong central government, it is that between the dates 1783 and 1789. It is rightly called the Critical

Period. The horrors of the witchcraft delusion, the butcheries of the treacherous Indians, the dark days of Valley Forge, even the rebellion of the slave States, did not bring upon us as a people such humiliation and drive us so near the verge of anarchy as did the quarrel and suicidal legislation of the States from the close of the Revolution to the beginning of Washington's administration.

When the treaty of 1783 had been agreed upon by the agents of England, France, and the United States, and the former colonists of England were rejoicing that they were to take their places among the nations of the world as an independent people, we had a population of about three and a half millions,1 a debt of one hundred and seventy million dollars, and for the basis of our national government the Articles of Confederation whose organ of legislation was the old Continental Congress, without executive or judiciary. This body was composed of delegates from the thirteen States, and its delegated powers gave it authority to declare war, send and receive ambassadors, make treaties, adjudicate disputes between States, manage Indian affairs, regulate the value of coin, fix standards of weights and measures, control the post-office, establish a navy, and to make requisition upon the States according to their assessed valuation for the payment of the expenses of the government. But the power of taxation "the most fundamental of all the attributes of sovereignty" was not given to Congress, and it could not raise money, other than what the individual States chose

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1 This covers entire cost.

to send in answer to requisition, either by direct taxation or through custom-house duties, for the control of commerce was held exclusively by the States. The States refused to comply with the requests of this powerless body. Requisitions for millions were answered by remittances of a few paltry thousands.

In the treaty of Paris our commissioners had stipulated that Congress should recommend to the States that all debts due in England from individuals in America should be paid, and that the loyalists should be reimbursed for the loss of property confiscated during the war. The States refused to compel the payment of these private debts and continued to legislate against the Tories. is not surprising that this inability of Congress to compel the States to fulfil treaty obligations robbed us of all respect from foreign nations. A government that was disregarded at home could not expect to win respect abroad.

It

England was quick to take advantage of this weakness in the national government, and in 1783 she proclaimed an order in council that all trade between the United States and the British West Indies must be carried on in English-built ships. It was in vain that our minister, John Adams, threatened reprisals, or tried to negotiate more favorable trade relations with England. She knew that Congress was powerless to control commerce, and that we had no trade privileges to offer that she could not take without the grant of that body. Other European countries followed England's lead, and soon our commerce,

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