Nona Novembres. 79 magnificent view which opens before you on reaching the summit. On one side the long range of the Berwyn stretches for miles, while to the left a double range of hills marks the passage of the celebrated Holyhead road; while beneath the sparkling river is spanned by the magnificent piles which form the aqueduct and viaduct of the favored valley. Through the opening in front you may look for miles over the counties of Flintshire, Denbighshire, Shropshire, and almost distinguish the conic hill of the Wrekin looming in the distance. The moat which surrounds the Castle is very perfect, and is a wonderful nursery garden for ferns. The descent we accomplished with some difficulty: the more adventurous scorning to keep the path, reached the bottom in a marvellous but expeditious manner without any breakage. Finding the sun yet high, we determined to get a peep at the Abbey of Vale Crucis, which is about a mile further on the Ruthin road: it stands a few hundred yards below the road, and is accessible by a line of execrable stiles. The abbey is a most beautiful ruin; the remains testifying fully the architectural character of the original building. It has been lately restored, or rather cleared out and propped up by the munificence of a neighbouring nobleman. The window especially which faces the visitor on his entrance is very perfect, and of excellent symmetrical proportions. The inside is open to the air; for the roof having fallen in, it has been entirely removed to save the rest of the building. After spending some time in examining the abbey, we retraced our steps, and joining the party at the Hand, who had been rummaging about the interesting cottage of Plas-newydd, compared notes of our respective visits; again tried the beer at the Hand; paid the bill, re-entered our hat-box; went sound to sleep and jogged on homewards; where we duly arrived at 9.30 p.m. N.B. 10.30 p.m. went to bed. 10.35 p.m. was fast asleep. NONE NOVEMBRES. AT Oxford, when the fifth was nigh, But Oxford saw another sight, 80 None Novembres. On tongue and chickens fast they sup, Then shook the street, with thunder riven, Then many a bloody-nose was given, But fiercer yet the battle cry, On pavement red of stained High, 'Tis twelve-but scarce yon moon looks down On struggling masses, rolling down, Where stubborn Town and fiery Gown Shout in their furious revelry. The combat deepens. On! you muff; Shew, Christchurch, shew thy gallant stuff, CONTENTS OF Nos. I. To IV. No. VI. will be published on January 17th, 1860. Printed and Published by CROSSLEY AND CLARKE, HARROW-ON-THE-HILL. Of whom may be had (Price Two Shillings,-Postage free) PART I. (containing Nos. 1 to 5). WE HOURS. 6. Y STORIE OF YE FOURE 7. FORM, FORM, RIFLEMEN, 8. PUBLIC-SCHOOL FEELING. We have heard very E are actually going to war. little of any preparation;-but still we have reason to suppose that the Government are making such preparations as may be necessary for so important an enterprise, and we are aware that probably before three months of this New Year are past, we shall be receiving telegraphic dispatches of the operations of our army in China, and letters from the Times' "Special Correspondent." Now, though we fancy very few people ever know exactly why or with what object we go to war, still, most of us like to have an inkling of the reason why it is necessary for us to pay so much more income tax for the purpose of providing soldiers and sailors to fight in a foreign. 82 The Chinese Question. country. Such is certainly generally the case, but if ever there was a war which apparently excited no interest in this country, we conceive it is that which we are now contemplating. For the first few weeks certainly, after the news reached us of the disaster at the mouth of the Peiho, we heard something about a full and immediate revenge: allusions were made to the subject in public speeches appeals were made to the public purse: and the country smarting under an evident defeat, felt urged to instigate and promote to the utmost of its power what appeared to them, then, to be but a just and merited punishment for injuries received. We ask any one, any sensible person, any one who ever reads the newspapers, or attends agricultural meetings, whether there is any indication at present of such a feeling as we have described. The subject seems to us to be either purposely or inadvertently omitted from all political speeches at the present time, or if allusion is made, it is in such a vague and unsatisfactory way, that it is impossible to perceive any real interest on the part of the speaker, in the question which he is discussing. If this is really the case, there must be some reason why the subject is thus scouted, whether it be purposely or inadvertently. Either no interest can be taken in the matter, or else there must be something actually criminal in the war itself which precludes any public mention of it. Now we are not going to be rash enough to decide this doubt for our readers, but we would just dwell for a moment on the object or necessity of the coming war, with a view to assist them in forming their own conclusions on the subject. Now in our eyes all war, to be just, must be excited by some insult or provocation from the nation against which it is to be undertaken. A war without a cause, an unnecessary war, so to speak, becomes not only unjustifiable, but actually criminal, in this age of enlightenment and civilization. Few will find any difficulty in finding some cause or another for this present war. Many will perhaps say that the disgraceful treachery which occasioned our defeat at the Peiho river alone justifies the step we are taking. But what is treachery? Is it treachery to build fortifications in the open light of day, without any attempt at concealment-we will not say without any hostile purpose, but at any rate without any immediate intention of commencing hostilities against a country with which a treaty subsists. If so, England herself must plead guilty to The Chinese Question. 83 we the charge. Why this arming and volunteering, if not with some ulterior object? If so, France must plead guilty; or else why the fortifications at Cherbourg? why the increase of naval power? why the retention of a large standing army in constant readiness for action? But we imagine such is not the opinion of most. Many will agree with us, that the best guarantee of peaceful intentions is shown in the desire to engender a feeling of perfect security, and thereby obliterate all mistrust. If so be, then the conduct of the Chinese at the Peiho cannot be designated by the term treachery. It may not have been exactly in unison with the feelings or customs of civilized Europe; but, call it what you will, you cannot find for it so strong a verdict as that of treachery. In fact that idea has or ought to have been long ago voided by the accounts, both public and private, which we have received from China. If, then, treachery is not the cause, what is? It may be the loss of prestige occasioned by our defeat requires some amends: ought to put the Chinese to inconvenience in order to restore our own honor. A curious axiom, surely! But, in the first place, have we lost any prestige? Common sense refutes the idea. Do any of our readers think England less powerful, or her navy less supreme, because a frigate and two gunboats were overpowered by numbers and adverse circumstances at the Peiho? The idea is simply absurd. Have we then lost prestige on the Continent? Few will say so, we imagine. What would be the proof or sign of such loss of prestige? In all probability, attempts on the part of other nations to take advantage of our position. We regret to say so, but we fear human nature bears out our axiom; all nations are more or less jealous of one another, and though brilliant exceptions continually occur, (such as the conduct of the Americans on the occasion of which we are speaking, or that of France at the time of the Indian Mutiny), we imagine it is no less true that nations will take advantage of the humiliated position of a neighbour. Well! has there been any such indication of illwill? We think not. Have not our relations respectively with France and America been consolidated since that disaster in China? has not our rule in India been actually re-established? If these circumstances be carefully considered, few will say we have really lost any prestige by our defeat in China. But just granting for a moment that we |