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to the public complaint, if it did not produce, w followed by, an heightening of the distemper a variety of experiments, that important countr brought into her present situation—a situatio will not miscall, which I dare not name, which know how to comprehend in the terms of any d

In this posture, Sir, things stood at the beg the session. About that time, a worthy memb Parliamentary experience, who, in the year 1 the chair of the American committee with mu took me aside; and, lamenting the present asp politics, told me things were come to such a pa former methods of proceeding in the House wo longer tolerated: that the public tribunal (ne dulgent to a long and unsuccessful opposition) scrutinize our conduct with unusual severity very vicissitudes and shiftings of Ministerial instead of convicting their authors of incons want of system, would be taken as an occasio ging us with a predetermined discontent, whi could satisfy; whilst we accused every measur as cruel, and every proposal of lenity as weak lute. The public, he said, would not have pati us play the game out with our adversaries; we duce our hand. It would be expected that tho many years had been active in such affairs sh that they had formed some clear and decided i principles of Colony government; and were

drawing out something like a platform of the ground which might be laid for future and permanent tranquillity.

I felt the truth of what my honorable friend repre5 sented; but I felt my situation too. His application might have been made with far greater propriety to many other gentlemen. No man was indeed ever better disposed, or worse qualified, for such an undertaking than myself. Though I gave so far in to his opinion that I 10 immediately threw my thoughts into a sort of Parliamentary form, I was by no means equally ready to produce them. It generally argues some degree of natural impotence of mind, or some want of knowledge of the world, to hazard plans of government except from a seat 15 of authority. Propositions are made, not only ineffectually, but somewhat disreputably, when the minds of men are not properly disposed for their reception; and, for my part, I am not ambitious of ridicule — not absolutely a candidate for disgrace.

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Besides, Sir, to speak the plain truth, I have in general no very exalted opinion of the virtue of paper government; nor of any politics in which the plan is to be wholly separated from the execution. But when I saw that anger and violence prevailed every day more and more, and that 25 things were hastening towards an incurable alienation of our Colonies, I confess my caution gave way. I felt this as one of those few moments in which decorum yields to a higher duty. Public calamity is a mighty leveller; and there are occasions when any, even the 30 slightest, chance of doing good must be laid hold on, even by the most inconsiderable person.

To restore order and repose to an empire so great and so distracted as ours, is, merely in the attempt, an undertaking that would ennoble the flights of the highest 35 genius, and obtain pardon for the efforts of the mean

because it had nothing but its reason to recom On the other hand, being totally destitute of all of influence, natural or adventitious, I was ve that, if my proposition were futile or dangerous were weakly conceived, or improperly timed - th nothing exterior to it of power to awe, dazzle, o you. You will see it just as it is; and you will

just as it deserves.

The proposition is peace. Not peace through dium of war; not peace to be hunted through t rinth of intricate and endless negotiations; not arise out of universal discord fomented, from p in all parts of the Empire; not peace to depend juridical determination of perplexing questions precise marking the shadowy boundaries of a government. It is simple peace; sought in its course, and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace s the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely I propose, by removing the ground of the differe by restoring the former unsuspecting confidenc Colonies in the Mother Country, to give permane faction to your people; and (far from a scheme by discord) to reconcile them to each other in t act and by the bond of the very same interes reconciles them to British government.

My idea is nothing more. Refined policy ever the parent of confusion; and ever will be so, as the world endures. Plain good intention, whi

easily discovered at the first view as fraud is surely detected at last, is, let me say, of no mean force in the government of mankind. Genuine simplicity of heart is an healing and cementing principle. My plan, therefore, 5 being formed upon the most simple grounds imaginable, may disappoint some people when they hear it. It has nothing to recommend it to the pruriency of curious ears. There is nothing at all new and captivating in it. It has nothing of the splendor of the project which has been 10 lately laid upon your table by the noble lord in the blue ribbon. It does not propose to fill your lobby with squabbling Colony agents, who will require the interposition of your mace, at every instant, to keep the peace amongst them. It does not institute a magnificent auc15 tion of finance, where captivated provinces come to general ransom by bidding against each other, until you knock down the hammer, and determine a proportion of payments beyond all the powers of algebra to equalize and settle.

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The plan which I shall presume to suggest derives, however, one great advantage from the proposition and registry of that noble lord's project. The idea of conciliation is admissible. First, the House, in accepting the resolution moved by the noble lord, has admitted, 25 notwithstanding the menacing front of our address, notwithstanding our heavy bills of pains and penalties that we do not think ourselves precluded from all ideas of free grace and bounty.

The House has gone farther; it has declared concilia30 tion admissible, previous to any submission on the part of America. It has even shot a good deal beyond that mark, and has admitted that the complaints of our former mode of exerting the right of taxation were not wholly unfounded. That right thus exerted is allowed 35 to have something reprehensible in it, something unwise,

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my purpose. The means proposed by the no for carrying his ideas into execution, I think, ind very indifferently suited to the end; and this endeavor to show you before I sit down. present, I take my ground on the admitted prin mean to give peace. Peace implies reconciliati where there has been a material dispute, recon does in a manner always imply concession on part or on the other. In this state of things I difficulty in affirming that the proposal ought to o from us. Great and acknowledged force is not in either in effect or in opinion, by an unwilling exert itself. The superior power may offer pe honor and with safety. Such an offer from such will be attributed to magnanimity. But the com of the weak are the concessions of fear. Wher one is disarmed, he is wholly at the mercy of rior; and he loses forever that time and those which, as they happen to all men, are the stren resources of all inferior power.

The capital leading questions on which you m day decide are these two: First, whether you concede; and secondly, what your concession oug On the first of these questions we have gained, a just taken the liberty of observing to you, some But I am sensible that a good deal more is sti done. Indeed, Sir, to enable us to determine the one and the other of these great questions

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