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when necessary. Except for a leave of absence in the spring of 1900, when Walter Marvine acted in his place, Pierce filled that position for about 20 months; during that period, no American soldier was buried without military honors. Regardless of the cause of death, whether disease or battle, Pierce made complete funeral arrangements. When it was not feasible for the unit chaplain to accompany a body to Manila from a distant province, Pierce conducted the funeral. He read the Episcopal burial service over hundreds of American dead." His competence as Chief of the United States Office of Identification and Morgue was well known among top Army officers; when he had to return to the United States due to poor health, several sent him letters of commendation. Brigadier General Thomas H. Barry said that Pierce brought about “a result unparalleled in the history of warfare, i.e., no unidentified dead." " His Philippine service was the primary reason for his selection in 1904 as one of the first four chaplains to be promoted to major. Moreover, it was the reason for recalling him from retirement to active duty in 1917 as Chief of Graves Registration Service in France; while serving in that position, he became the third chaplain-the first while on active duty-to be promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel and the first to colonel.

Although the chaplains devoted much time to the pacification program and their special duties, they never forgot their primary mission as religious leaders. To that end, they organized themselves into a "Chaplains' Conference" shortly after the 13 August battle of Manila, and Pierce, who had been appointed as General MacArthur's division chaplain, served as chairman. Meeting to devise a system whereby all the troops stationed in Manila would be able to receive regular religious ministrations, they were apparently successful, for they became circuit riders. Pierce, himself, conducted services for elements of the 14th and 18th Infantry Regiments, as well as at a general hospital. He also held regular denominational services for Episcopalian officers and English speaking residents.'

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Once the American troops moved from Manila into the provinces, circuit riding became risky. Leslie R. Groves reported his ministry in much the same matter-of-fact way as he did in Cuba: church services, 36; prayer meetings, seven; Bible classes, six; and visits, 233. A reporter, describing one of Groves' services, said that it was outdoors; that the enlisted men sat in the grass while the officers sat in chairs; that familiar hymns were sung, closing with "America"; and that the sermon was a "plain, practical home talk to the men." Obviously admiring Groves, he also wrote that the

officers and men, "from the Colonel down," regarded him highly; that his standing was not the result of "any undignified familiarities"; and that he "maintained the dignity of his position and profession." The chaplain's commander agreed, and wrote that Groves visited the companies "regularly every week, worked with the men in a commonsense, tactful way, and won their esteem. His influence was very great." However, neither the reporter nor the commander mentioned that Groves had to travel on horseback five to 15 miles through hostile country between services; Chaplain Groves did not mention it either.78

George D. Rice learned that duty among the Moros of Mindanao was especially dangerous. Accompanying troops of the 27th Infantry Regiment on the Lake Lanao Expedition, he found himself in the 2 May 1902 battle of Bayan; after the battle his commander recommended him for the Medal of Honor for "absolute and fearless devotion to duty." Under "heavy fire at close range from the enemy in the fort," Rice ministered to "the wants of the wounded" and assisted them "from the firing line to the dressing station, where they could be cared for by surgeons." Another officer who was with Rice on the expedition, Captain John J. Pershing, gave him special praise for his "tireless devotion to the sick and wounded.” Chaplain Rice, however, was not awarded the Medal of Honor; instead, his bravery was merely cited in orders. Surprisingly, in 1925 his citation was upgraded to a Distinguished Service Cross."9

The black chaplains who had to remain in the states during the Cuban campaign-Allen Allensworth, Theophilus G. Steward, and George W. Prioleau—were permitted to accompany their regiments to the Philippines. Allensworth established a school for enlisted men, organized the first Christian Endeavor Society there, personally delivered mail to hospital patients, and encouraged church societies and other friendly people to correspond with soldiers who had no one to write to them. But he was especially known for his educational and entertaining lectures at the Y.M.C.A. and at a religious organization named the "Soldiers Institute." The Manila Times reported that one lecture, "Gems from the Life of Napoleon," was well attended, “interesting and amusing." In it, Allensworth emphasized "certain phases of the famous General and Emperor... which he held up as examples to the American soldier." 80 Two of his humorous lectures were titled "Humbugs" and "The Rise and Fall of the Kiss." Of the latter, the Army-Navy Journal commented that "it would be difficult to select a subject better fitted to develop homesickness in men thousands of miles from home." 81

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Although Allensworth apparently did not "consider himself charged with the settlement of political or social questions" and was "content to well, smaller things," Steward and Prioleau viewed matters differently. Steward frequently addressed the racial issue by calling attention to the "fine reputation" that black soldiers were making for themselves among the Filipinos. Furthermore, if he encountered discrimination, he did not back away. When an enlisted medic refused to salute him, he sought out the hospital commander who sent for the "young man"; Steward then gave him a "word of instruction" which he said "cured everybody around the hospital." On another occasion three enlisted men from a Volunteer regiment passed him on the street and used "some vile language" in addressing him; Steward overtook them, lectured them about their manners, and subsequently reported them to their regimental commander. Upon returning to the states on the Transport Crook with his son, also an officer, the dining room steward attempted to relegate them to a side table. Steward refused to sit there and brought the matter to the attention of his regimental commander; the colonel settled the matter by inviting him to dine at his table and seating his son with the junior officers.84

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Prioleau addressed the racial issue from another vantage point. Although he made much of the racial affinity between black Americans and the “dark-skinned people" of the Philippines, his attitude occasionally resembled that of a white racist. He could not understand why the Filipinos were in "a spirit of unrest" against the United States when Americans were bringing "progress and prosperity to the islands." He wrote to the Cleveland Gazette that the "indolence and laziness of the Filipino must not and will not retard American progress.' Actually, his attitude was not surprising, for shortly before his departure for the Philippines, he wrote to the same newspaper, saying that when he was forced into a "Jim Crow" car with some "greasy Mexicans" at El Paso, Texas, he demanded a car without Mexicans. He claimed that the Southern Pacific Railroad obliged and hitched another car on the train for him.86

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Apart from their religious and pacification duties, two chaplains, William D. McKinnon and Edward J. Vattmann, played an unusual role in regard to American Philippine policy and the resolution of church-state problems. Upon returning to the United States in August 1899, McKinnon was frequently invited to speak before various audiences; he praised the behavior of the American soldier, gave his impression of the islands, and explained United States Philippine policy. He gradually began to

"rationalize the war and its aftermath with arguments" that showed "an increasing tendency toward Republican party policies and toward the 'imperialism' that was associated with them." Appearing before the Catholic Truth Society of San Francisco in September 1899, he sketched Philippine history from Magellan's discovery to Dewey's victory at Manila. He said that the climate in the islands was ideal for colonization and that American enterprise and capital could make them the richest place in the world. To dispel criticism of the McKinley Administration for annexing the Philippines, he explained that Spain, the de facto and de jure government, had the right to sell the islands to the United States, and did so for $20,000,000; he discounted any claim that Aguinaldo's insurgents made upon them.$7

In late October 1899 he lectured in New York about American Philippine policy and was heckled and interrupted several times by antiexpansionists. He declared that America needed "more patriotism and less criticism." On the following evening in Boston he stated that Americans should stand by the President and that the insurrection must be crushed to prevent anarchy and barbarism from returning to the islands. He claimed that the Filipinos were "entirely incapable of self-government." In April 1901 United States Senator George C. Perkins of California wrote a letter to Secretary of War Elihu Root and mentioned that he and President McKinley once discussed McKinnon's splendid war record and excellent lectures. Perkins believed that the lectures were "impartial and fair" and "did much to neutralize the prejudices that were existing in the minds of many of our people."

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Although other chaplains, including Charles C. Pierce and Cephas C. Bateman, spoke and wrote about their ministry and experience in the Philippines and American policy there, none attracted as much attention as McKinnon. That was undoubtedly the result of his stature as a hero and of his position as liaison officer to Archbishop Placid Louis Chapelle, the Apostolic Delegate to the Philippines. The Pope had delegated to Chapelle absolute authority regarding Catholic Church matters in the islands, particularly in reference to the Spanish friars and their lands. The friars owned over 400,000 acres of land which were leased to more than 60,000 Filipino tenants; moreover, in addition to their religious and charitable duties, they had assumed many of the functions of local government. They were the most powerful class in Philippine society. Believing their rents excessive and having no official means of redress, the tenants grew increasingly anticlerical and restive; they hoped that the American victory over

the Spanish would result in the expulsion of the friars from the archipelago and the distribution of their lands among the Filipinos. Under the terms of the Treaty of Paris, however, the United States guaranteed all property rights; disappointed and bitter, Anguinaldo and his followers revolted. The rebel leader also declared all church lands confiscated, and the tenants ceased to pay their rents. Though Archbishop Chapelle was faced with the resolution of other church matters, the issue of the friars and their lands was the most difficult of all; it was, in fact, the crux of the revolution

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During October 1899 the archbishop met with McKinnon in Washington, D.C., and was favorably impressed with his firsthand knowledge of the situation in the islands; he therefore asked McKinnon to accompany him to Manila. On 21 October they conferred with President McKinley and, later in the day, with Secretary of War Root. The Chief Executive heard their proposals to restore peace between the Catholic Church, particularly the Spanish friars, and the revolutionists. Root was pleased to hear McKinnon's categorical denial of charges that American troops had vandalized and looted Catholic churches. Moreover, Root formed a favorable judgment of McKinnon and personally recommended him to the President for a Regular Army chaplaincy; six days later, McKinley made that appointment."

Chaplain McKinnon's presence in the archbishop's delegation created some speculation in the press, and when he was interviewed in November, he said that he had been engaged to assist with the preliminary work related to the Apostolic Delegate's mission. He also expressed confidence that Chapelle would effect a settlement whereby the friars could retain their lands and remain in the islands. Upon arriving in the Philippines, the archbishop set to reestablish his church's title to the friar lands and collect back rents from defaulting tenants. To that end he quietly returned the friars to their parishes; he expected the United States to honor the provisions of the Treaty of Paris. American officials, however, questioned his common sense. Moreover, recognizing native bitterness toward the friars, members of both the First and Second Philippine Commissions recommended to the President that the United States purchase the friar lands and that the Catholic Church be asked to replace the friars with other priests."1

Though Chaplain McKinnon originally supported Chapelle's position, he eventually broke with him and began to advocate the position of the Commissions. While visiting in the states during the 1900 Presidential campaign, he even defended American Philippine policy; he later at

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