the packers, presented him with a valuable horse, buggy, saddle and harness as a token of their appreciation."

" 128

One regular feature of every chaplain's ministry was guardhouse visitation; whenever soldiers were in confinement, the chaplains called on them. Alexander Gilmore reported that he frequently visited two men in the Whipple Barracks, Arizona guardhouse who had been sentenced to death and were awaiting the results of their appeal to the Supreme Court. Gilmore "sang, prayed and conversed with them," and they eventually repented and experienced the "joys of pardon." Though both men lost their appeal and were hanged, Gilmore wrote that they held fast to their "Profession of . . . faith without wavering. Jeremiah Porter once visited 75 prisoners in Fort Sill's "icehouse prison" before they were taken to the United States Military Prison at Fort Leavenworth, but unlike Gilmore, he did not record the nature of his ministry.130

" 129

Between 1876 and 1895 one chaplain was always assigned to the United States Military Prison. When Andrew D. Mitchell, who served there from 1876 to 1881, first went there, he found that some attention had been given to the spiritual interests of the prisoners, but that "no systematized efforts" had been made on their behalf. There was no chapel, no school, and "no library worthy of the name." He understood his mission to be the "intellectual and moral elevation of the inmates,” and to that end he conducted Sunday services. He found, however, that his visits with individual prisoners were “more effective for good" than his public ministrations; the visits enabled him to "learn their character," "gain their confidence," and "impart such counsel as may be adapted to their particular cases. ." 131 Though one-third of the prisoners needed a secular education, Chaplain Mitchell was never able to establish a school; the conditions of prison life made it "impracticable" to hold classes. He had to settle for distributing text books and writing materials to those who desired them and finding literate prisoners to tutor others. He also established a library of nearly 800 volumes and reported that the books were carefully selected, embraced almost every field of literature, were eagerly sought after by the inmates, and exercised a salutary influence.132

John B. McCleery, the United States Military Prison chaplain from 1881 to 1891, continued the work begun by Chaplain Mitchell. He conducted Sunday services and arranged for monthly Catholic services. His services consisted mostly of music; his "talks" were "brief and practical." He was reputed to be a powerful preacher who was "in touch with hu

manity." He also organized a temperance society and reported that 99 signed "a pledge of total abstinence." 133 Believing that he could "reach the conscience" through the intellect, McCleery continued Mitchell's method of educating the prisoners until November 1888, when he established a school; unfortunately, classes were held for only two hours on Sundays, the prisoners' day of rest. The school was limited to 100 students and consisted of three grades: primary, three elementary, and three advanced classes. Significantly, because the classes were taught by prisoners, the school was considered an experiment, and there was some doubt that it would succeed.134

The school did succeed, however, and when McCleery was transferred, Chaplain Charles C. Pierce built on the foundation that McCleery had laid. In 1892 the prison commandant reported that more students should be permitted to attend. The Secretary of War agreed and ordered the school facilities increased. Consequently, more classroom space was provided and 125 double desks were purchased. In 1893 the commandant reported to the Adjutant General of the Army that the student body had increased to 250 students and that classes met five nights each week. Most important, he said that the school brought the prison "into line with modern military reform." 135 Chaplain Pierce also conducted a Sunday service and Bible class, operated the prison library, and inspected the correspondence between prisoners and their friends. When the prison was transferred to the Department of Justice in 1895, Pierce was reassigned. Shortly before his departure, Brigadier Wesley Merritt commended him, saying that it "seemed like an attempt at refining fine gold . . . to add to your brilliant reputation” as a man and minister, but that “you have rendered invaluable service, in improving every phase of the prison management in which you could have an influence." 136

A common element in every chaplain's ministry-in a prison or guardhouse, on a field operation, at a post-was music and singing. The "song service" was the key feature of many Sunday schools, services, temperance meetings, and other religious gatherings. An officer's wife or a bandsman usually played the organ, if there was one, or bandsmen and other enlisted men played their instruments. Either the chaplain or a lay person led the singing. Some chaplains organized small choirs. A variety of hymnals were used, and though the Adjutant General of the Army reported to the Secretary of War in 1891 that a "hymnal compiled for and adapted to religious, patriotic, and other occasions" was "greatly needed,” nothing apparently resulted from his report. Gospel songs were very

popular, especially those by Philip P. Bliss and Ira D. Sankey; Bliss' "Hold the Fort" was a favorite, probably because of its connection with a Civil War battle and its lively, marching tune." Chaplains who carefully arranged for their parishioners to "make a joyful noise unto the Lord" generally aroused greater participation in their religious programs.

BLACK CHAPLAINS

The Federal legislation that authorized the position of regimental chaplain for black regiments was based primarily upon the soldiers' need for an education.138 There seems to be no evidence that any thought was given to the black soldiers' religious tradition or to the appointment of a black chaplain who understood that tradition. It was not until 1884, when Henry V. Plummer was appointed to the 9th Cavalry Regiment, that a black clergyman was commissioned as a chaplain in the Regular Army.

Two of Plummer's three predecessors were unable to provide an adequate ministry in either the educational or religious field, and the third resigned from the Army with a sense of failure. The first two, John C. Jacobi and Manuel J. Gonzales, were physically unfit to be chaplains; for two-thirds of their combined service, a total of 15 years, they were either sick or on disability leave. Charles C. Pierce, the Ninth's third chaplain, was a young, healthy Baptist who envisioned a ministry that would result in bettering moral behavior throughout the garrison. Whenever he saw evidence of prostitution, drunkenness, gambling, and usury, he attempted to make reforms, but believed that he accomplished "very little"; consequently, he became discouraged and resigned after serving only 18 months. The regimental commander admired his "earnest desire to do his duty" and "warn interest in the spiritual and temporal welfare of the enlisted men." Yet, he said that Piece-"lately appointed and coming from a quiet civilian community, unaccustomed to soldiers"—was inclined to consider "ordinary payday occurrences" as serious breeches of discipline and a "frolic as a gross outrage.

139

When Chaplain Plummer reported to Fort Riley, the garrison was favorably impressed with his ministry and supported him. In one of his first monthly reports, Plummer said that his commander regularly attended services and encouraged the troops to "a higher state of morality and education." His services, Sunday school, and choir well attended. The post correspondent to the Army-Navy Journal praised him for his sermons and prayers and for "doing a good work among the soldiers"; he

also said that Plummer could "discount any of the white Chaplains in the Service." 140 As time passed, Plummer continued to receive a favorable response to his ministry. While he was at Fort McKinney, Wyoming, in 1890, Major Guy V. Henry wrote that Plummer was a good preacher. Two years later, the Fort Robinson, Nebraska, post commander reported that he had never seen such large church attendance at a military post; he attributed it to the "efficient manner" in which Plummer carried out his work. In 1894 Mrs. Mary Garrard, an officer's wife and the chapel organist, wrote that Plummer was "energetic, faithful & devoted to his duties," that his influence over the enlisted men was "decidedly good," and that she never saw a chaplain with "such large congregations." She attributed his success to "his own untiring efforts." Unfortunately, she added an ominous note that his success was "almost entirely without help or encouragement from the officers." 141

Mrs. Garrard's statement alluded to the ostracism Plummer suffered from the officers during his tour of duty at Fort Robinson. Shortly after he arrived there, he began to address several social issues and, subsequently, encountered difficulty in his relationship with certain officers, including the post and regimental commanders. When he first reported to Fort Robinson, he was assigned quarters on the "lower line"; the house needed repairs and was located among those occupied by enlisted men, their families, and officers' servants. Holding a commission equal to that of a captain, Plummer considered the assignment an act of gross discrimination and, on two occasions, confronted his military superiors with a plea for justice. He believed that he should have been assigned officer quarters on the "upper line." His appeal, however, was denied; moreover, the house which he occupied was officially designated as his permanent quarters. 112

142

Though Chaplain Plummer was denied quarters he deemed suitable, he succeeded in convincing the Adjutant General of the Army to halt beer sales at Fort Robinson; in this he aroused the ire of his immediate military superiors. Some of the officers considered him as a “disturbing element." Moreover, Plummer edited the Fort Robinson Weekly Bulletin and served as the resident manager of the Fort Robinson department of the Omaha Progress. Both publications carried news of interest to blacks; the Progress even printed letters about racial injustices. Suspicious of Plummer's newspaper activities, the post commander wrote a confidential letter about his suspicions to the Commanding General of the Department of the

Platte; he even confided to the general that the chaplain was the probable author of an "incendiary” circular someone had distributed on the post. He believed that Plummer was agitating the black troops against the white citizens of nearby Crawford, Nebraska.143

Plummer also attempted to persuade the Adjutant General of the Army and the Secretary of War to send him to Central Africa with some black troops on an "exploring and missionary tour." He wanted to introduce "American civilization and Christianization among some of the tribes" and "form a nucleus for a colony of black Americans." He was confident that 50 to 100 men from the four black regiments would "gladly volunteer" to go under his command and "secure a slice of the African turkey, before it is gobbled up by foreign nations." Bishop Henry M. Turner of the African Methodist Episcopal Church and a leading black emigrationist, J. R. McMullen of the International Migration Society, and other black leaders petitioned the Secretary of War to send Plummer, but the Secretary of War declined, saying that there was "no law authorizing him to detail any officers of the Army for such an expedition.” Plummer's efforts to lead the expedition undoubtedly exacerbated his relationships with the regimental officers.144

Unfortunately, after espousing temperance for so many years, Chaplain Plummer made himself vulnerable to his enemies by drinking at a sergeant's promotion party. One enemy was a black sergeant, who had worked under Plummer's supervision at the Fort Riley bakery and, on one occasion, had been disciplined for failing to have the bread ready on time. Awaiting an opportunity for revenge, he finally found it in the chaplain's party drinking and made an official complaint against him. The complaint was used by the post and regimental commanders to charge Plummer with conduct unbecoming an officer and gentleman; Plummer, at the conclusion of an 11-day general court-martial, was found guilty and sentenced to dismissal from the Army.'

145

In addition to Allen Allensworth, who was so successful as an educator of black infantrymen, the other black chaplains of the period were Theophilus G. Steward, George W. Prioleau, and William T. Anderson. Prioleau, Plummer's successor as chaplain of the Ninth, perceived that his function was to encourage enlisted men, separated from the "agreeable associations" of home amid "an atmosphere pregnated with evil and sin," to a better life.146 He built a sizeable congregation and reported that the officers supported his program. In an article regarding the four-level social