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distinction. With some slight differences, similar distinctions continue to prevail in the harem, or family of the rulers of Persia. The principal difference is, that the king has several legal wives, besides those of a secondary class, and that they now appear to have daily access to his presence, which the history of Esther shows was not the case anciently. The accommodation and attendance of the women varies according to their rank. Sir J. Malcolm says, that "the first business of the king of Persia in the morning, after he is risen, is to sit from one or two hours in the hall of the harem, where his levees are conducted with the same ceremony as in his outer apartment. Female officers arrange the crowd of his wives and slaves with the strictest attention to the order of precedency. After hearing the reports of those entrusted with the internal government of the harem, and consulting with his principal wives, who are generally seated, the monarch leaves the interior apartments."

According to the Greek historians, none were admitted to the king without being called; but they do not appear to have known that queens and princesses were included in the application of this rule. From Esther iv. 11, we find that they were so; and the rule seems to have been that even when the king was in his outer apartments, none might enter uncalled or unannounced; and that when in his interior residence, not even the queen might appear unbidden; none except the seven princes "who saw the king's face," might appear before him without ceremony. And even these were not admitted when any of the king's wives were with him, which restriction enabled the king to see them when and as little as he thought proper. Herodotus relates, that one of the privileged nobles who disbelieved this excuse of two door-keepers for not admitting him into the presence of the monarch, cut off their ears and noses, for which act he and his family, except his wife and eldest son, were punished with death.

On some occasions, this law seems to have been infringed. Thus Esther, urgently requested by Mordecai, to save her nation from the destruction meditated by the wicked Haman, and decreed by Ahasuerus when inflamed with wine, stood "in the inner court of the king's house." But then, though death was the law for such an offence, the king might set this aside by holding out the golden sceptre, that the offender might live. Such favour was shown to Esther; otherwise, according to the law of the Medes and Persians, her life must have been the forfeit of her temerity.

After having thus shown her favour, the king promised Esther that whatever might be her request it should be granted her, even to the half of his kingdom; a form of speech which has reference to the custom among the ancient kings of Persia in bestowing grants and pensions to their favourites. These grants were not by payment of money from the treasury, but by charges upon the revenues of particular provinces or cities. Thus when Xerxes wished to make a provision for Themistocles, he gave him the city of Magnesia for his bread, Myonta for his meat and other victuals, and Lampsacus for his wine. This may explain the observations before made

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with reference to the queens of Persia possessing particular provinces, and the phrase of giving unto "the half of the kingdom." It may also suggest some idea of the cost and splendour of the dresses of the queens of Persia.

Concerning the king's own apparel, there are some interesting allusions made in Esther vi. From thence we learn that the privilege of wearing such a dress formed a permanent distinction of a very high order. It was a distinction that even the great counsellor Haman aspired unto. When the monarch interrogated him thus, "What shall be done unto the man whom the king delighteth to honour ?" supposing that the honour was intended for himself, the ambitious courtier rejoined, “For the man whom the king delighteth to honour, let the royal apparel be brought which the king useth to wear, and the horse that the king rideth upon, and the crown royal which is set upon his head : and let this apparel and horse be delivered to the hand of one of the king's most noble princes, that they may array the man withal whom the king delighteth to honour, and bring him on horseback through the street of the city, and proclaim before him, Thus shall it be done to the man whom the king delighteth to honour," Esther vi. 7-9. Haman knew that it was death for any one to wear the king's own robe, and that such an honour was calculated to express the most pre-eminent favour and distinction, and render it visible to all the people, and therefore it was he made the proposal. As much may be said of "the horse that the king rideth upon," and the crown royal which is set upon his head." It was unlawful for any one to ride on the king's own horse, and a capital crime to wear the same turban or crown which the king wore, or even such as he wore. Arrian relates, that when Alexander was sailing on the Euphrates, his turban fell off among some reeds. One of the rowers jumped out, and swam to recover it : but finding that he could not carry it back in his hand without wetting it, he put it upon his head, and brought it safely to the boat. The monarch gave him a talent of silver for his zeal, and then ordered his head to be struck off, for setting the diadem thereon. This story emphatically illustrates the foregoing observations.

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The distinctions of Persian royalty are thus enumerated by Statius :

"When some youth of royal blood succeeds
To his paternal crown, and rules the Medes,
His slender grasp, he fears, will ill contain
The weighty sceptre, and the bow sustain;
And trembling takes the courser's reins in hand,
And huge tiara, badge of high command."-LEWIS.

Concerning the sceptre, it is evident from Scripture and the writings of profane historians, that the kings of Persia used one on great occasions. Xenophon makes Cyrus say among other things to Cambyses, his son and appointed successor, "Know Cambyses, that it is not the golden sceptre which can preserve your kingdom; but faithful friends are a prince's truest and securest sceptre." In the Persepolitan sculptures, however, the figures of the king are invariably represented as bearing a long staff in his hand. The crown of the kings of Persia may be illustrated by the description which Morier gives of the magnificent tiara of Futteh Ali Shah, king of

Persia. "The king," says he, "was one blaze of jewels, which literally dazzled the sight on first looking at him. A lofty tiara of three elevations was on his head, which shape appears to have been long peculiar to the crown of the great king. It was entirely composed of thickly set diamonds, pearls, rubies, and emeralds, so exquisitely disposed as to form a mixture of the most beautiful colours, in the brilliant light reflected from its surface. Several black feathers, like the heron-plume, were intermixed with the splendid aigrettes of this truly imperial diadem, whose bending points were furnished with pearformed pearls of immense size." The usual headdress of modern Persian monarchs is a plain black cap, which probably bears a similar relation to this crown, as the plain cap on the Persepolitan sculptures bore to the ancient state crowns of their mighty predecessors.

In concluding this article, it may be mentioned, that the birthdays of the kings of Persia were kept sacred, and celebrated with public sports, in the utmost pomp and magnificence. Their deaths were bewailed by the closing of the tribunals of justice for five days, and by extinguishing the fire which was worshipped in families as a household god; on which occasion alone they submitted to such a calamity. They were deposited in rocky vaults, as in the tombs at Nakshi-Rustam, and Naksh-i-Rejeb, a privilege, as will be seen in a future page, peculiarly their own.*

THE SEVEN STATE COUNSELLORS.

Absolute as was the regal authority among the Persians, yet it was, to a certain degree, kept within due bounds by the establishment of a council, which consisted of seven of the chief men of the nation, distinguished no less by their wisdom and abilities, than by their illustrious birth. This establishment had its origin in the conspiracy of the seven Persian noblemen, who entered into an association against Smerdis, the Magian, and slew him. These noblemen stipulated with Darius Hystaspes, whom they placed on the throne, for the most distinguished honours and extraordinary privileges.

These counsellors possessed great power. This may be seen by the letter written by Artaxerxes to Ezra, wherein he constantly associates himself with these seven counsellors: "Artaxerxes, king of kings, unto Ezra the priest, a scribe of the law of the God of heaven, perfect peace, and at such a time. I make a decree, that all they of the people of Israel, and of his priests and Levites, in my realm, which are minded of their own freewill to go up to Jerusalem, go with thee. Forasmuch as thou art sent of the king, and of his seven counsellors, to enquire concerning Judah and Jerusalem, according to the law of thy God which is in thine hand; and to carry the silver and gold, which the king and his counsellors have freely offered unto the God of Israel, whose habitation is in Jerusalem, and all the silver and gold that thou canst find in all the province of

• For further remarks on the kingly power of Persia, the reader is referred to the corresponding section in the History of the Assyrians; for the Persian monarchs were the prototypes of the Assyrian monarchs; so were the Parthians those of the Persians.

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Babylon, with the freewill offering of the people, and of the priests, offering willingly for the house of their God which is in Jerusalem: that thou mayest buy speedily with this money bullocks, rams, lambs, with their meat offerings and their drink offerings, and offer them upon the altar of the house of your God which is in Jerusalem," etc. Ezra vii. 12—26.

These counsellors were well versed in the laws, ancient customs, and manners of the state. They always attended the king, who never transacted anything, or determined any affair of importance, without their advice. This may be gathered from a transaction recorded in the first chapter of the book of Esther. The writer of that book, after having stated the refractory conduct of queen Vashti, represents Ahasuerus as seeking the ad"Then the king vice of these seven counsellors. said to the wise men, which knew the times, (for so was the king's manner toward all that knew law and judgment: and the next unto him was Carshena, Shethar, Admatha, Tarshish, Meres, Marsena, and Memucan, the seven princes of Persia and Media, which saw the king's face, and which sat the first in the kingdom;) What shall we do unto the queen Vashti according to law, because she hath not performed the commandment of the king Ahasuerus by the chamberlains? And Memucan answered before the king and the princes, Vashti the queen hath not done wrong to the king only, but also to all the princes, and to all the people that are in all the provinces of the king Ahasuerus. For this deed of the queen shall come abroad unto all women, so that they shall despise their husbands in their eyes, when it shall be reported, The king Ahasuerus commanded Vashti the queen to be brought in before him, but she came not. Likewise shall the ladies of Persia and Media say this day unto all the king's princes, which have heard of the deed of the queen. Thus shall there arise too much contempt and wrath. If it please the king, let there go a royal commandment from him, and let it be written among the laws of the Persians and the Medes, that it be not altered, That Vashti come no more before king Ahasuerus; and let the king give her royal estate unto another that is better than she. And when the king's decree which he shall make shall be published throughout all his empire, (for it is great,) all the wives shall give to their husbands honour, both to great Ahasuerus was pleased with this and small." counsel, and adopted it. See Esther i. 9—22. Among the sculptures at Naksh-i-Rustam, there is one which exhibits a king in apparent conference with seven men, one queenly looking lady also being present, which aptly illustrates the It belongs, however, to a foregoing extract. later period than the era of Ahasuerus.

This council did not interfere with the king's prerogative of ruling and commanding: it was confined entirely to that of reason, which consisted in communicating and imparting their knowledge and experience to the king. To them the king transferred several weighty cases, which otherwise might have been a burden to him, and by them he executed whatever measures had been adopted in the council. It was, in fact, by means of this standing council, that the maxims of the state were preserved, the knowledge of

its interests perpetuated, affairs harmoniously | tered justice at stated times, in different proconducted, and innovations, errors, and oversights prevented. This leads us to notice

THE ADMINISTRATIVE POWER.

The terms king and judge are synonymous. The throne is a tribunal, and the sovereign power the highest authority for the administration of justice. The duties of a king are well defined in the queen of Sheba's address to king Solomon. "Blessed," said she, "be the Lord thy God, which delighted in thee, to set thee on the throne of Israel because the Lord loved Israel for ever, therefore made he thee king, to do judgment and justice," 1 Kings x. 9. The Almighty hath made every thing subject to princes, to put them into a condition of fearing none but him. "For rulers," saith the apostle, "are not a terror to good works, but to the evil. Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power? do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the same: for he is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that doeth evil," Rom. xiii. 3, 4.

What is that justice which God hath entrusted to the hands of monarchs? and wherefore hath he made them his delegates? The poet says,

"Order is Heaven's first law, and this confessed,
Some are, and must be greater than the rest;
More rich, more wise."

To this end kings reign, that order may be preserved in a state. And this order consists in observing a general equity, and taking care that brute force does not usurp the place of law: that the property of one man should not be exposed to the violence of another, that the union of society be not broken, that artifice and fraud do not prevail over innocence and simplicity, that society should rest in peace under the protection of the laws, and that the weakest and poorest should find a sanctuary in the public authority.

Josephus says that the kings of Persia used to administer justice in their own persons. For this reason, they never ascended the throne till they had been instructed by the magi, in the principles of justice and equity. These are the great and essential duties of the regal dignity, and though the kings of Persia were transcendently vicious in other respects, yet were they very scrupulous, and very tender in the discharge of these duties. After hearing the merits of the cause, they took several days to consider and advise with the magi, before they gave sentence. When they sat on life and death, they not only considered the crime of which the delinquent was impeached, but all the actions, whether good or bad, of his whole life; and they condemned or acquitted him, according as his crimes or deserts prevailed.

Though the kings of Persia may in many instances have administered justice in their own persons, it cannot be supposed that in so mighty an empire they could sit in judgment on every case. Besides the king, there were, indeed, several judges, all men of unblemished characters, and skilful in the laws of the kingdom. These were called "royal judges," and they adminis

vinces. Some of these judges attended the king wherever he sojourned. The king often advised with them; and in matters concerning himself, referred the whole to their judgment. They were nominated by the king, and, as the employment was for life, great care was taken to prefer only such as were famed for their integrity. Delinquency on the part of judges was punished with extreme severity. Herodotus says, that one of the royal judges having suffered himself to be corrupted by a bribe, was condemned by Cambyses to be put to death without mercy, and to have his skin placed upon the seat of justice. He adds, what is most revolting, that the son suc

ceeded his father in this seat.

According to Xenophon, the ordinary judges of Persia were taken out of the class of old men, into which none were admitted till the age of fifty years. A man, therefore, could not exercise the office of judge before that age; the Persians being of opinion that a fully matured mind was required in an employment, which decided upon the fortunes, reputations, and lives of the community.

Amongst the Persians, it was not lawful either for a private person to put his slave to death, or for the prince to inflict capital punishment upon any of his subjects for the first offence; the crime being considered rather the effect of human weakness and frailty, than of a confirmed malignity of mind. They thought it reasonable to put the good as well as the evil into the scales of justice; and they deemed it unjust that the good actions of a man should be obliterated by a single crime. It was upon this principle that Darius revoked the sentence he had passed upon one of his judges for some prevarication in his office, at the very moment it was going to be executed; acknowledging that he had pronounced it with more precipitation than wisdom.

One essential rule which the Persians observed in their judgments, was, in the first place, never to condemn any person without confronting him with his accuser, and without giving him time and the means necessary for his defence; and, in the second place, if the person accused was found innocent, to inflict the same punishment upon the accuser, as the accused would have suffered, had he been found guilty. Diodorus relates an incident that will illustrate this. One of the favourites of Artaxerxes, ambitious of possessing a place possessed by a superior officer, endeavoured to make the king suspect the fidelity of that officer. To this end, he sent informations to court full of calumnies against him, persuading himself that the king would believe and act upon the report without examination of the matter. officer was imprisoned, but he desired of the king before he was condemned, that his cause might be heard, and his accusers ordered to produce their evidence against him. The king complied with the request, and as there was no evidence but the letters which his enemy had written against him, he was acquitted. The king's indignation then fell upon the accuser, and the innocent thereby was shielded from the artifice and cruelty of calumny and violence.

The

Another memorable example of firmness and the love of justice in the monarchs of Persia, is recorded in the book of Esther. When the eyes

of Ahasuerus were opened to the dark designs of the wicked Haman, who had obtained from him an edict for the destruction of the Jews, he made haste to atone for his fault, by publishing another edict, permitting the Jews to stand up in their own defence, by punishing Haman, and by a public acknowledgment of his error.

The Persians, says Herodotus, hold falsehood in the greatest abhorrence: next to which they esteem it disgraceful to be in debt, as well for other reasons as for the temptations to falsehood, which they think it necessarily introduces. But it would not appear that the Persians were at all times so scrupulous about falsehood. Deceit and falsehood are charges which to this day they do not deny. "Believe me; for though I am a Persian, I am speaking truth," is an exclamation commonly used to those who doubt their veracity, and there are few travellers who do not bear testimony to their proneness to falsehood and venality. Herodotus himself makes Darius utter this sentiment, "If a falsehood must be spoken, let it be so;" on which Larcher observes, "This morality is not very rigid; but it ought to be remembered, that Herodotus is here speaking of falsehood, which operates to no one's injury." But when it is remembered that one of the first rudiments of Persian education was to speak the truth, this departure from it on the part of Darius must appear very remarkable. His delinquency seems to have been founded upon that principle, which even some of our gravest moralists have taught, namely, that "there may be occasions in which a deviation from strict truth is venial." But this is not true. In Scripture, the liar is enumerated with those whose portion is the bitter cup of everlasting torments; and no extenuating circumstances are taken into the account. Besides, should this be allowed, irreparable mischief would be inflicted on society. "A liar," says an old writer," is a public nuisance: he disheartens belief, makes reality suspected, and one honest man a stranger to the other." To sanction this evil, therefore, by the weight of a man's reputation for gravity and wisdom, is to commit a crime of no ordinary magnitude. The psalmist well knew the enormity of this vice: hence it was that he exclaimed,

"He that telleth lies shall not tarry in my sight." Psa. ci. 7.

THE GOVERNMENT OF THE PROVINCES.

The provinces of Persia have been described in a previous portion of this history. (See page 2.) In this section will be described the government of those provinces.

The sacred writer in the book of Daniel says, "It pleased Darius to set over the kingdom an hundred and twenty princes, which should be over the whole kingdom; and over these three presidents," Dan. vi. 1, 2. The princes here men. tioned were the governors of the provinces. They were called satraps; and they were the most considerable persons in the kingdom; being second to none but the monarch, and the three principal ministers, who inspected their conduct, and to whom they gave an account of the affairs of their respective provinces. That they might be able to maintain a proper dignity, without which respect languishes, Cyrus assigned to these satraps

revenues proportioned to their station and high employment. He did not allow them, however, to exceed the bounds of prudence and moderation. And lest precept should be of no avail, he set them an example in this respect. He so regulated his court, that the same order which reigned there might likewise proportionably be observed in the courts of the satraps, and in every noble family in his empire. To prevent, as far as possible, all abuses of their extensive authority, the king reserved to himself the right of nominating the satraps, and ordained that all governors of places, commanders of armies, etc., should depend upon himself alone. From him they received their instructions, and if they abused their power, from him also they received punishment.

In order to maintain a close communication with the satraps of these provinces, and to keep a strict watch over their conduct, Cyrus devised a plan for facilitating the intercourse between himself and them. After having ascertained how far a good horse might go in a day, with ease and expedition, he caused stables to be erected at determined distances, each with a suitable establishment of horses, and men to take care of them. Postmasters were also stationed at these stages, whose duty it was to receive the packets as they arrived, and immediately forward them with fresh horses and couriers. This custom is referred to, Esth. viii. 10. After having related that Ahasuerus granted the Jews to defend themselves against the wicked machinations of Haman, the sacred writer says, that Mordecai "sent letters by posts on horseback, and riders on mules, camels, and young dromedaries." These posts of the ancient Persians travelled night and day without intermission, and so quickly did they perform their journey, that it was said, proverbially, that they flew swifter than cranes. proverb may, however, refer more especially to the "swift dromedary," or "the ship of the desert," the camel; for it is said of the former especially, that it will in one night, and through a level country, traverse as much ground as any ordinary horse can in ten. "A dromedary," says Jackson, in his work on Morocco, "has been known to travel two hundred miles in less than twenty hours." Hence we see the wisdom of Esther's messengers in choosing it to carry their despatches to the distant provinces of the Persian empire, for the existence of her nation was at stake.

This

These posting establishments of ancient Persia may receive illustration from those of the Mougol empire. According to Marco Polo, there were roads extending to every part of this empire from the capital, Cambalu, having post houses, with suitable furniture, at every twenty-five or thirty miles. Altogether, there were ten thousand of these stations, with two hundred thousand horses. The post ran two hundred, and sometimes two hundred and fifty miles in a day, especially in cases of rebellion, or other urgent occasions. There were other stations, consisting of a few dwellings, three or four miles asunder, occupied by runners, or foot-posts, who, being girded, and well trained to their employment, ran as fast as horses. In dark nights, these foot-posts ran before the horsemen with links to light them along. Sometimes they carried letters, mandates,

and parcels to or from the khan, who thus received news in two days from places ten stages distant, as from Kambalu to Shangtu.

The fact of the ancient Persians sending letters by posts, it may be remarked, is one well calculated to engage the attention of those who feel interested in studying the progress of society in the arts of convenience and civilization. And who is there that does not feel an interest in these arts-arts which are so essential to the comforts of life, and without which a community cannot flourish?

"Tis genial intercourse, and mutual aid,
Cheers what were else an universal shade,
Calls Nature from her ivy-mantled den,
And softens human rockwork into men."-CowPER.

The care of the provinces of Persia was not left entirely to the satraps. The king himself was obliged personally, by ancient custom, to visit the provinces at stated periods, being persuaded, as Pliny says of Trajan, that the most solid glory, and the most exquisite pleasure a prince can enjoy, is from time to time to let them see their common parent, to reconcile the dissensions and animosities of rival cities, to calm commotions amongst his subjects, to prevent injustice and oppression in magistrates, and cancel and reverse whatever has been decreed against law and equity.

When the monarch of Persia was not able to visit the provinces himself, he commissioned some of his nobles, men eminent for wisdom and virtue, to act as his representatives. These were called "the eyes" and "the ears" of the prince, because through them he saw and was informed of every thing. These denominations, also, served as an admonition to the king, as well as to his representatives. It admonished the one that he had his ministers as we have the organs of our senses, not that he should be idle, but act by their means; it admonished the others, that they ought not to act for themselves, but for the monarch, and for the advantage of the community.

The detail of affairs which the king or his representatives entered into, when he or they visited the provinces, is worthy of admiration, and shows that they understood wherein the wisdom and ability of governors consist. Their attention was not directed to great matters alone, as war, the revenue, justice, and commerce: but to minor matters, as the security and beauty of towns; the convenient habitations of his subjects; the repairs of roads, bridges, and causeways; the preserving of woods and forests; and, above all, the improvement of agriculture. This latter science engaged the Persian monarch's peculiar care. Those satraps, whose provinces were best cultivated, enjoyed his peculiar favour. And as there were offices erected for the regulation of the military department, so there were offices erected for the regulation of rural labours and economy. Both were protected, because both concurred for the public good: the one for its safety, the other for its sustenance. For if the earth cannot be cultivated without the protection of armies, so neither can armies be fed and maintained, without the labour of the husbandman. It was with good reason, therefore, that the Persian monarchs

caused an exact account to be given them, how every province and district was cultivated, that they might know whether each country produced as much fruits as it was capable of producing. Xenophon remarks of Cyrus the younger, that he informed himself whether the private gardens of his subjects were well kept, and yielded plenty of fruit, and that he rewarded the superintendents and overseers, whose provinces, or districts, were the best cultivated, and punished those who suffered their grounds to lie barren.

How much the Persian princes were attached to the arts of agriculture, may be seen from a conversation held between Lysander, the Lacedemonian, and Cyrus the younger, as related by Xenophon, and beautifully applied by Cicero. Cyrus conducted his illustrious guest through his gardens, and pointed out the various beauties they presented.

Lysander was charmed with the prospect, and admired the taste displayed in the arrangement of the gardens, the height of the trees, the neatness of the walks, the abundance of the fruit trees, planted chequer-wise, and the innumerable and diversified flowers every where exhaling their odours. "Every thing," he exclaimed, "transports me in this place; but what most interests me is the exquisite judgment and elegant perception of the artist who planned these gardens, and gave them the fine order, the wonderful disposition, and happiness of symmetry, which cannot be too much admired."

"Pleased with the eulogy, Cyrus replied, "It was I who planned the gardens, and with my own hand planted many of the trees around you."

"What!" exclaimed Lysander, surveying Cyrus deliberately from head to foot, "is it possible that with these purple robes and splendid vestments, these strings of jewels, and bracelets of gold, and those buskins so richly embroidered,

is it possible that you could play the gardener, and employ your royal hands in planting trees?"

"Does that surprise you?" Cyrus rejoined; "I swear by the god Mithras, that when my health admits, I never sit down to table without having made myself sweat with some fatigue or other; either in military exercises, rural labour, or other toilsome employments, to which I apply with pleasure, and without sparing myself."

Lysander pressed the hand of the prince, and replied: “Thou art worthy, Cyrus, of that happiness thou art possessed of; because, with all thy happiness and prosperity, thou art also virtuous."

Mention has been made, (page 3,) of the revenues which the provinces of Persia produced. In addition to the remarks there made, it may be added, that the revenues of the Persian kings consisted partly in the levying of taxes imposed upon the people, and partly in their being furnished with the products of the earth in kind, as corn and other provisions, forage, horses, camels, or whatever rarities each particular province afforded. Strabo relates that the satrap of Armenia sent annually to the king 20,000 young colts; by which a judgment may be formed of the other levies in the several provinces. These tributes were only exacted from the conquered nations; the Persians, properly so called, were exempt from all imposts.

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