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presence of their kings. Darius was incensed against him, both for the heinous deed, as well as for challenging honours due only to himself in the empire, and designed to deprive him of his government. He was recalled for this purpose, but Parysatis his mother, who tenderly loved him, reconciled Darius to him, and used all her influence to have him declared heir to the crown, for the same reason which had exalted Xerxes to the throne; namely, that he was born after his father's accession. Darius resisted this request, but bequeathed to him the government of his provinces in Asia Minor, confirming his own crown to Arsaces, his eldest son, by the same mother. This struggle for supremacy gave rise to the most fearful display of human depravity between the two brothers, as will be seen in the succeeding article.

In the same year that the Lacedæmonians, by the aid of Cyrus, triumphed over the Athenians, Darius Nothus died, and was succeeded by Arsaces, to whom Athenæus says he gave the best instruction in the art of reigning; namely, "to do justly in all things, toward God, and toward man.'

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The reign of Darius is memorable in history by the reference thereto in sacred prophecy. He was the first of the four kings foretold to precede the dissolution of the Persian empire: the prophecy of the seventy weeks, pointing out the time of the coming of the Messiah, also commenced in the fourth year of his reign, or B.C. 420. See Dan. ix. and xi.

On his accession to the throne, Arsaces assumed the title of


and he was distinguished by the Greek writers from others of that name by the epithet Mnemon, or "memory," he being remarkable for that "intellectual power," which is one of the choicest faculties bestowed upon man.

It has been recorded in the life of Darius Nothus, that Pary satis, his queen, had sought the kingdom for Cyrus, because, like Xerxes, he had been born after his father's succession to the throne, and that she had been disappointed in her views. The monarch, influenced either by the dictates of affection, or a sense of justice, disregarded her importunities, and gave the crown to Arsaces, bequeathing the provinces to Cyrus.

This action of Parysatis, and perhaps her private conduct, kindled the flames of ambition in the breast of Cyrus; and when ambition has once engrossed the heart, there is no crime, however foul in its nature, which man is not ready to perpetrate to advance himself towards the summit of his desires, however unhallowed they may be. Thus it was with Cyrus. Despairing of otherwise ascending the throne of Persia, which his too fond mother had taught him to consider as his legitimate right, he resolved upon the death of his brother; and, regardless of the near ties which united them, he decided upon inflicting that death with his own hand.

ther's rejoicings, when he was about to strip himself of his own robe, and put on that of the ancient Cyrus-the robe worn by the latter ere he came to the throne! It was on the day of that brother's coronation-in sight of the court of Persia, and in the very temple of the gods!

But the design of Cyrus was frustrated. He had entrusted the fatal secret to one only, the priest who educated him, and by him it was revealed to the king, who condemned Cyrus to die the death of a traitor. But the intercession of his mother prevailed with Artaxerxes; he pardoned him, and even dismissed him again to his government.

Artaxerxes had scarcely ascended the throne of Persia when he was engaged, through the influence of his wife Statira, in a most tragical scene; than which history presents nothing more terrible. Adultery, incest, and murder marked every step of it; and it brought the queen-mother, Parysatis, and the reigning queen, Statira, into such a fiery collision, that the flames of revenge could only be quenched by the death of one or the other of the unlovely princesses.

The generous forgiveness which Artaxerxes had extended to his brother Cyrus ought for ever to have bound the latter in the bonds of love and fealty to the former. But the nature of Cyrus was not thus affected: "he had injured and could not forgive:" his ambition remained as mounting as before it had received a check; and superadded to this active principle, was one of equal fire and buoyancy-that of resentment for the disgrace he had suffered. A fierce desire of revenge burned within him, and he resolved upon the dethronement of his brother. With this view he employed Clearchus, a Lacedæmonian general, to raise a body of Grecian troops, under the pretence, among others, of a war meditated against Thrace; and, doubtless to forward the same object, he presented to Lysander a galley of two cubits in length, as a congratulatory compliment upon a naval victory. This gift was subsequently consecrated to Apollo in the temple of Delphi; and afterwards we find Lysander at Sardis, charged with rich presents from the allies to Cyrus.

It was upon occasion of this visit that Cyrus had the celebrated conversation with Lysander, related page 32.

The seeming virtue which Cyrus displayed in this conversation, was only the instrument for forwarding evil designs. This, and all other pretences of a similar kind, he made use of to attract the notice and win the esteem of the powerful, who were unwary, or degenerate enough, to abet his unnatural rebellion. By arts of a like description he won the affections of the barbarians under his government; and with the aid of Clearchus and others, he raised secretly, in several places, and under various pretexts, a body of Grecian troops, on whom he placed his chief reliance. Nor was this all. Influenced by his intrigues, several provinces of the government of Tissaphernes revolted, and placed themselves under his jurisdiction; and this incident If any circumstances could deepen the guilt of giving rise to a war between him and Tissapherthis atrocious project, it was the time at which, nes, was used as a cloak to cover his designs and the place where, the dark deed was intended upon the life of his brother, and the crown of to be performed. It was on the day of his bro-Persia. Under the pretence of warring with

Tissaphernes, he now assembled troops from slight a purpose, he sent information of the provarious quarters; and more speciously to amuse ceedings to the king, accompanied with an intithe court, he forwarded complaints against Tis-mation of what he believed to be the real designs saphernes to the king, and submissively implored of Cyrus. his protection.

Artaxerxes, deceived by these appearances, reposing in imprudent and indolent security, believed that the preparations made by Cyrus were directed against Tissaphernes alone. Taking advantage of this supineness, Cyrus redoubled his efforts; and, by means of emissaries, endeavoured to prepare the minds of the people for the approaching change. These emissaries inflamed discontent where they discovered it, and sought to create it where it was not. They laboured industriously in their fiend-like avocation, exalting the feigned merits of Cyrus, and depreciating the qualities of Artaxerxes, whom they represented as a moth of peace, saying that the state required such a ruler as Cyrus, one who loved war, and showered favours on those who served him, a valiant king, fired with the noble ambition of upholding and extending the glories of the state.

At the same time, Cyrus was endeavouring to crown the whole of his designs by obtaining succours from the Lacedæmonians, whom he had assisted to become masters of Greece. In a letter he wrote them, he spoke of himself in magnificent terms. He told them he had a greater and more royal heart than his brother; that he was better versed in the philosophy and knowledge of the magi, by which was meant the science of religion and government; and that he could take more wine without being intoxicated -a very meritorious quality amongst the barbarians, but not so proper to recommend him to the good opinion of those he addressed. Nevertheless, the Lacedæmonians sent orders to their fleet to join that of Cyrus immediately, and to obey the commands of Tamos, his admiral, in every particular; but without the least mention of Artaxerxes, or intimation of the evil designs of Cyrus.

At length, troops to the amount of 130,000 men were collected, and placed under the command of experienced leaders. Clearchus commanded the Peloponnesian troops, except the Achæans, who were led by Socrates of Achaia. The Boeotians were under Proxenus the Theban, and the Thessalians were headed by Menon. The barbarians had Persian generals, the chief of whom was Ariæus. The fleet consisted of thirty-five ships under Pythagoras, and twentyfive commanded by Tamos the Egyptian, admiral of the whole fleet.

With this formidable host, Cyrus set forward, still keeping his unholy purpose a profound secret from all, save Clearchus the Greek. To this policy he was instigated by the fear that so bold an enterprise might dismay his soldiers, no less than by the necessity of concealing his intention from the Persian court.

Nevertheless, the wily stratagist was baffled, and his object was made known. He had given out that he was leading this force against the Pisidians, who had infested his province with their incursions; but Tissaphernes saw through a pretext so shallow, and assured that preparations could never be made on so mighty a scale for so

The intelligence roused Artaxerxes from his lethargy, and threw the whole court into alarm. Recollections of her former criminality now drew all eyes upon the mother of these belligerent brothers, and all employed in her service were suspected of being in league with Cyrus. The two queens, the mother and the wife of Artaxerxes, evinced on this occasion the most deadly hatred for each other. "Where,” cried the latter, "where is now the faith which you have so often pledged for the conduct of your son? This is our reward for listening to those ardent prayers that preserved from death a traitor against the king his brother! It is your unhappy fondness that has kindled the flame of war, and plunged us into an abyss of evil."

Summoning a numerous force in haste, Artaxerxes marched in all the pomp and pride of war to meet his brother.

The expedition of Cyrus is amongst the most remarkable recorded in ancient history and classical geography. It is interesting, not only from the importance of the prize at stake-the diadem of Asia, but also from the circumstance of its combining together a military history and a journal of travels.

The first part of the march of Cyrus was from Ephesus to Sardis, about fifty-eight miles in a direct distance. He then crossed Mount Messogis, and the river Mæander, south-east of Sardis; and then turning north-east, came in four days' marches to Colosse, to the inhabitants of which St. Paul addressed an epistle upwards of four centuries afterwards, about eighty-five miles more. From Colosse the army of Cyrus came in three marches to Celænæ, about sixty miles north-east. From thence in two marches they came to Peltæ, which Rennel recognises in the Peloti of Edrisi, situate on the road from Tarsus to Abydos, a distance of twenty-eight miles north, where the Greeks were allowed to celebrate the Arcadian festival called Lycæa.* In two marches more, north, they came to the Forum of the Kramians, the ancient Cotyæum of the Roman times, and the modern Kutahiah. This city stands on the road leading from Broussa to Cilicia, Syria, and Cyprus through Iconium, so that Cyrus would have to pass for upwards of two hundred miles through deep and extensive valleys, lying at the northern foot of the Pisidian and Cilician Taurus. The first city his army came to was Caystrus, about eighty-five miles south-east from the Forum of the Kramians, and which answers to the modern Sakli, called Ketchluk by Kinnier. From Caystrus, or Sakli, in two marches they came to Thymbrium, Rennel's modern Karatepe, and Kinnier's Akshehr, or

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These tidings were ill-received at first; but induced by the promise of a considerable gratuity, as well as encouraged by an artifice of Menon's, they passed from thence over the Euphrates: thus devoting themselves to the service of Cyrus.

After having passed the Euphrates, in nineteen marches further, Cyrus reached the Araxes, the modern Khabour, about two hundred and eighty miles distant, which is about fifteen miles per diem. On crossing the Araxes, Cyrus entered the desert of Arabia, now called the Desert of Sinjar. This vast tract he crossed_by forced marches to the Pyla Babyloniæ, or "Pass out of the hills into the plains of Babylonia," which he reached in eighteen days. The first five of these marches were through a perfect flat, without trees, and often covered with absynthum. The other thirteen marches were through a rugged and hilly tract, on both sides of the river Euphrates, extending to one hundred miles in breadth. At the end of the fifth march they came to Corsote, a large uninhabited city, surrounded by the river Masca, the modern Saccoras, where they stayed three days, and made their provisions. From Corsote they came to Carmande, which Rennel supposes to be the modern Hit, about twenty geographical miles above the Pylæ. From the Pyla, Cyrus marched thirty miles across the plains of Babylonia, and then, after reviewing his troops at midnight of the third day, he marched about ten miles farther on the fourth day in order of battle. On the sixth day he arrived at a place called Cunaxa, from whence was discerned a thick dust like a white cloud, which was succeeded first by a darkness, which enveloped the entire plain, and then by the resplendent glitter of the armour, lances, and standards of an almost countless host. This was the army of Artaxerxes, his brother, for whose crown Cyrus had undergone so many hardships in his expedition.

the White City, a distance of twenty-eight miles. In the same distance they came to Tyriæum, considered by Kinnier to be the modern Eilgoun, but which Rennel thinks lies twelve geographical miles farther east. In three marches more, or fifty-six miles, they came to Iconium, the ancient capital of the Aladinian sultans, and standing in the ancient Lycaonia* mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles (chap. xiv. 6, 11.) From this city the march continued five days almost due east through Lycaonia, and terminated a little to the south of Erekli, anciently Heraclea, a few miles from the northern foot of Mount Taurus. The distance traversed in this five days' march was eighty-five miles. At the end of it, Cyrus made a division of his army. With one division he marched himself to the valley of Tyana, seventy miles distant; whilst Menon, with the other, took the route of Erekli, south-east, and ascended the north-west face of Taurus. This part of Taurus is called by the Turks Ramadan Oglu Balakklar, and is so broad that it requires twenty-five hours to cross it, and there are several difficult passes in the way. That by which Cyrus himself entered Cilicia is denominated the Northern Pass, and is on the direct road from Cesarea Mazaca, in Cappadocia, to Tarsus. Rennel says that when Cyrus arrived at Tyana,† he found the pass occupied by Syennesis, king of Cilicia, and that therefore he encamped in the plain before it, which was since denominated from him, "The plain of Cyrus." According to Xenophon, the army of Cyrus reached Tarsust in four marches, the probable distance of which is sixty miles. At Tarsus, Cyrus halted for twenty days, after which he marched to the Sarus, or modern Seihoon, twenty-eight miles in two days. Another day's march, eastward, fourteeen miles, brought his army to the Pyramus or Jeihoon; and two more, forty-two miles, to Issus, where the battle was afterwards fought between Alexander and Darius. From Issus, in another day's The two armies were soon arrayed in order of march of fifteen miles, they came to the Syrian battle. On his right hand Cyrus posted a thouStrait, or gates of Cilicia and Syria; and in an- sand Paphlagonian horse, supported by the Euother of the same distance they reached Myrian-phrates, and the light armed infantry of the drus, which was a large maritime city, no traces of which now remain. From this place Cyrus made twelve marches to Thapsacus, now Ul Der.

While at Thapsacus, Cyrus declared to his generals the real object of the expedition, and desired them to communicate it to the soldiers, and to endeavour to gain their willing service.

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Tarsus, now Tersoos, or Tarasso, was the principal city of Cilicia, situated at the mouth of the river Cydnus. In the Greek annals it is celebrated for the learning and refinement of its inhabitants. In Scripture it excites an interest as the birth-place of St. Paul, who calls it "no mean city," Acts xxi. 39. It was made a free colony by the Greeks, an honour which was conceded to it by the Romans also, whence St. Paul asserts his privilege as a freeborn Roman, Acts xxii. 25.

Greeks; and next them, Clearchus, Proxenus, and the rest of the general officers to Menon, at the head of their several corps. The left wing, composed of Lydians, Phrygians, and other Asiatic nations, was commanded by Ariæus, who had a thousand horse. Cyrus placed himself in the centre, where the chosen troops of the Persians and the barbarians were posted. He had round him six hundred horsemen, armed at all points, as were their horses with frontlets and breastplates.

The army of Artaxerxes was commanded by Tissaphernes on the left, which division consisted of cavalry, armed with white cuirasses, and of light-armed infantry. In the centre was the heavy-armed foot, a great part of whom were Egyptians,* and entirely covered with wooden bucklers. The rest of the light-armed infantry, and of the horse, formed the right wing. The foot were drawn up with as much depth as front,

Zeune supposes that the Egyptians, here mentioned, were the descendants of those who are spoken of as having been received into the favour and confidence of the elder


and in that order composed square battalions. The king had posted himself in the main body, with the flower of the whole army, and had 6000 horse for his guard, commanded by Artagerses. Though he was in the centre, he was beyond the left wing of the army of Cyrus, so much did the front of his own exceed in extent that of the opposing force. A hundred and fifty chariots armed with scythes were placed in the front of the army, and they were so fixed as to mow down all before them.

The army of Artaxerxes, numerous as it was, moved on without noise or confusion. When they had nearly reached that of Cyrus, the Greeks began to sing the hymn of battle and drawing still nearer, they shouted after their usual wont, striking their darts upon their shields to frighten the horses, and then moving onwards in a body, they sprang upon the barbarians, who fled at the


The savage spirit of war was now fully exerted, and Cyrus exultingly beheld the advantages which were occasionally presented to his forces: and these were so successfully improved by the Greeks, that he was boldly though prematurely proclaimed king by all around him.

The crown was not to adorn his brows. He had climbed the unstable ladder of ambition to be precipitated to destruction. Perceiving that Artaxerxes was wheeling his right to attack him in the flank, he marched directly against him with his 600 horse. With his own hand he destroyed Artagerses, who commanded the king's guard of 6000 horse, putting the entire body to flight. Then, discovering his brother, his eyes sparkled with fury as he cried," I see him!" and he spurred forward his horse, eager to commit the two-fold crime of destroying his brother and his king.

The battle now became a single combat between Artaxerxes and Cyrus; and the brothers were seen transported with the deadliest rage, each endeavouring to plunge his sword into the other's heart, and thus rid himself of a rival -reminding the spectators of Eteocles and Polynices, of whom the Greek poets say, that their ashes separated on the burning pile, as if sensible of resentment, and hostile to reconciliation.

For a time, the advantage was with Cyrus, who succeeded in killing the horse of Artaxerxes, which fell with him to the ground. The king recovered himself, and mounted another, when Cyrus again rushed upon him, inflicted a second wound, and had uplifted his arm for the infliction of a third, when Artaxerxes, like a lion wounded by the hunters, only the more furious from the smart, sprang forward, impetuously pushing his horse against his opponent, who, running headlong, and without regard to his person, threw himself into the midst of a flight of darts aimed at him on all sides, and at that instant receiving a wound from his brother's javelin, Cyrus fell dead his chief lords were slain likewise, resolving not to survive him.

Behold, reader, the fitting reward of indomitable courage, energy, and ability, admirable qualities when directed to the accomplishment of proper ends, but only casting additional blackness on the crime when employed in the furtherance of unworthy ones! Behold, too, in

the daring efforts and final overthrow of an ambitious spirit, whose aims were narrowed to the attainment of mere worldly power and grandeur, a lesson for thine own! Happy he, the humble wayfarer, who, during his sojourn on earth, prepares for an inheritance that fades not, and looks forward to a crown that is eternal.

Artaxerxes, after having caused the head and right hand of his brother to be cut off, pursued the enemy to their camp, and there possessed himself of great part of their baggage and provisions. The Greeks had defeated the king's left wing, commanded by Tissaphernes; and the King's right wing, under his own command, had routed the enemy's left; and as neither knew what had occurred elsewhere, both parties imagined they had gained the victory. Tissaphernes, however, acquainting the king that his men had been put to flight by the Greeks, he immediately rallied his troops, in order to attack them. The Greeks, under the command of Clearchus, easily repulsed them, and pursued them to the neighbouring hills.

As it was almost night, the Greeks now laid down their arms to refresh themselves with rest. They were surprised that neither Cyrus nor any one from him appeared, and imagined that either he was engaged in the pursuit of the enemy, or was making haste to possess himself of some important place. They determined, therefore, to return to their camp, where they arrived about nightfall, and found the greatest part of their baggage taken, with all their provisions, which obliged them to pass the night in the camp without refreshment.

The next morning, the Greeks heard of the death of Cyrus, and the defeat of that part of the army. Upon this they sent deputies to Ariæus, offering him, as conquerors, the crown of Persia. Ariæus refused the offer, and acquainted them that he intended to set out early next morning on his return to Ionia, advising them to join him in the night. They followed his directions, and, under the conduct of Clearchus, began their march, and arrived at his camp about midnight, whence they set out on their return to Greece.

At this time, the Greeks were in the very heart of the Persian empire, surrounded by a numerous and victorious army, and they had therefore no way to return into Greece, but by forcing their retreat through a vast tract of the enemy's country. Their valour and resolution, however, surmounted all these difficulties, and, despite of a powerful army, which pursued and harassed them all the way, they made good their retreat, travelling over the space of 2325 miles, through provinces belonging to the enemy, and reached in safety the Greek cities on the Euxine Sea. Clearchus had the conduct of the army at first; but he being slain by the treachery of Tissaphernes, the military historian Xenophon was appointed in his stead, and it was chiefly owing to his valour and wisdom that his countrymen surmounted their dangers.

The retreat of the 10,000 is equally celebrated in history with the expedition of Cyrus, but that more properly belongs to the history of Greece.

The victory which Artaxerxes had gained over his brother Cyrus was followed by a succession of atrocious crimes in his court. Fearful


as the deed of shedding the blood of a brother is, the monarch was ambitious that the action should be attributed to him alone. Mithridates, a young Persian nobleman, boasted that he gave the mortal wound, and he suffered the most cruel and revolting death for his boast. A Carian soldier also claimed the glory, and he was delivered to Parysatis, whose tender mercies were at all times cruel, and who inflicted on him the most exquisite torments for ten days, and then put him to a cruel death. Masabates, by whom, at the king's order, the head of the fallen Cyrus was decapitated, suffered death for the deed also, by the command of queen Parysatis. Nor did she stop here. Having, as before stated, conceived an implacable hatred against Statira, she was poisoned by her command in a most refined manner. Artaxerxes, being afflicted for the loss of his beloved Statira, and suspecting his mother, caused all her domestics to be put to the rack, when Gygis, one of her accomplices, discovered the whole. Artaxerxes put the informant to death, and confined his mother to Babylon; but at length, time having alleviated his griefs, he allowed her to return to court, where, by an entire submission to his will, she regained his favour, and bore much sway at court till her death.

After the death of Cyrus, Tissaphernes being sent back to his former government, and invested with the same power as the fallen prince, began to harass and oppress the Greek cities within the limits of his authority. These cities sought the aid of the Lacedæmonians, who sent Thimbro, B.C. 399, with an army against them, which being strengthened by the forces brought back from Persia, they took the field against Tissaphernes. Thimbro was, however, recalled upon some complaints, and sent into banishment, and the next year Dercyllidas was appointed his successor.

Dercyllidas was a brave general, and a famous engineer, and his movements were attended with some success. Having heard that Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus were at variance, he made a truce with the former, and entered the province of the latter, advancing as far as Æolis. Pharnabazus was driven from city to city, and at length, fearing that the conqueror would invade Phrygia, the chief province of his government, he made a truce with him, leaving him in possession of the cities he had captured.

The conqueror now turned his arms against Tissaphernes in Caria, where he usually resided. Tissaphernes and Pharnabazus united against him, and surprised him in a disadvantageous post. Pharnabazus advised an attack upon the Greeks, but Tissaphernes, who had experienced their valour at Cunaxa, sent heralds to Dercyllidas to invite him to a parley, and a truce ensued till the answers of their respective masters should be known.

In the mean time, the Lacedæmonians, receiving accounts from Asia, that Artaxerxes was equipping a powerful fleet under Conon the Athenian, then an exile in Cyprus, and supposing, rightly, that it was designed against them, resolved to send Agesilaus, one of their kings, into Asia, to make a diversion.

Accordingly, Agesilaus set sail with a considerable body of troops, and arrived at Ephesus before his expedition was heard of at the court

of Persia. Agesilaus swept all before him, whereupon Tissaphernes sent a messenger to inquire to what end he was come into Asia, and why he had taken up arms. Agesilaus replied, that he was come to assist the Greeks inhabiting Asia, and to restore them their ancient liberty.

Tissaphernes, unprepared for war, now had recourse to stratagem. He assured Agesilaus, that Artaxerxes would grant him his demands, provided he committed no acts of hostility till the return of his couriers. Agesilaus believed him, and a truce was agreed upon; but Tissaphernes made no other use of it than to assemble troops on all sides, and to obtain aid from Artaxerxes.

As soon as Tissaphernes had received the aid he sought, he commanded Agesilaus to depart from Asia, denouncing war against him in case of refusal. The Lacedæmonians and their confederates were alarmed: but Agesilaus heard the heralds of Tissaphernes with composure, and desired them to tell the wily satrap that he was under great obligations to him for having made the gods, by his perjury, enemies to Persia and friends to Greece. Having thus dismissed the heralds, he made a show of invading Caria; but finding that Tissaphernes had caused all his troops to march into that province, he turned towards Phrygia, the greater part of which he overran after which, loaded with the spoils of that province, he marched back by the sea-coast into Ionia, and wintered at Ephesus.

The next spring, Agesilaus took the field, giving out that he would march into Lydia. Tissaphernes believed that he would march directly for Caria, and marched his troops thither for its protection. But he was deceived. Agesilaus entered Lydia, and approached Sardis. Tissaphernes hastened to its relief; but his horse having arrived before the infantry, Agesilaus attacked and defeated them with great slaughter, and enriched both himself and his army with the spoils of the conquered Persians.

In the greatest prosperity we should be mindful of a change. Hitherto, Tissaphernes had revelled in the smiles of Artaxerxes. The loss of this battle forfeited the monarch's favour. At the same time, Conon, arriving at the Persian court, made the breach wider by a complaint he brought against him of depriving the soldiers on board Conon's fleet of their pay, thereby disabling him from rendering the king any service. The charges were aggravated by queen Parysatis, who was actuated by an irreconcilable hatred against all who had a share in the defeat and death of Cyrus. Artaxerxes resolved upon the destruction of Tissaphernes; but, being afraid to attack him openly, on account of the great authority he had in Asia, recourse was had to treachery for the accomplishment of his designs. He charged Tithraustes, captain of the guards, with this commission. He gave him two letters, the one directed to Tissaphernes, empowering him to pursue the war against the Greeks at his own discretion; the other was addressed to Ariæus, governor of Larissa, commanding him to assist Tithraustes with his counsel and forces in seizing Tissaphernes. The will of the kings of Persia was law; and had this not been the case, it is to be feared that his wishes would have been too readily com

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