not to import goods from Great Britain while the obnoxious Act remained a law; and domestic manufactures were commenced in almost every family.' The wealthiest vied with the middling classes in economy, and wore clothing of their own manufacture. That wool might not become scarce, the use of sheep

Cadwalader Colden

flesh for food, was discouraged. Soon, from all classes in America, there went to the ears of the British ministry, a respectful but firm protest. It was seconded by the merchants and manufacturers of London, whose American trade was prostrated,' and the voice, thus made potential, was heard and heeded in high places.

stamped paper on the demand of the people, when they proceeded to hang him in effigy, near the spot where Leisler was executed [page 148] seventy-five years before. They also burned his fine coach in front of the fort, near the present Bowling Green, and upon the smoking pile they cast his effigy. Colden was a man of great scientific attainments. He wrote a History of the Five Nations [page 23], and was in constant correspondence with some of the most eminent philosophers and scholars of Europe. A life of Colden, from the pen of John W. Francis, M.D., L.LD., may be found in the American Medical and Philosophical Register, 1811. He died in September, 1776.

The newspapers of the day contain many laudatory notices of the conformity of wealthy people to these agreements. On one occasion, forty or fifty young ladies, who called themselves "Daughters of Liberty," met at the house of the Rev. Mr. Morehead, in Boston, with their spinningwheels, and spun two hundred and thirty-two skeins of yarn, during the day, and presented them to the pastor. It is said "there were upward of one hundred spinners in Mr. Morehead's Society." "Within eighteen months," wrote a gentleman at Newport, R. I., "four hundred and eighty-seven yards of cloth, and thirty-six pairs of stockings, have been spun and knit in the family of James Nixon, of this town."

'Half a million of dollars were due them by the colonists, at that time, not a dime of which could be collected under the existing state of things.

While these events were in progress, Grenville had been succeeded in office by the Marquis of Rockingham, a friend of the colonies, and an enlightened statesman. William Pitt,' who had been called from his retirement by the voice of the people, hoping much from the new ministry, appeared in Parliament, and was there the earnest champion of the Americans. Justice and expediency demanded a repeal of the Stamp Act, and early in January, 1766, a bill for that purpose was introduced into the House of Commons, and was warmly supported by Pitt, Colonel Barrè, and others. Then Edmund Burke first appeared as the champion of right; and during the stormy debates on the subject, which ensued, he achieved some of those earliest and most wonderful triumphs of oratory, which established his fame, and endeared him to the American people. The obnoxious act was repealed on the 18th of March, 1766, when London warehouses were illuminated, and flags decorated the shipping in the Thames. In America, public thanksgivings, bonfires, and illuminations, attested the general joy; and Pitt,' who had boldly declared his conviction that Parliament had no right to tax the colonies without their consent, was lauded as a political Messiah. Non-importation associations were dissolved, business was resumed, and the Americans confidently expected justice from the mother country, and a speedy reconciliation. Alas! the scene soon changed.

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2

WILLIAM PITT.

Another storm soon began to lower. Pitt, himself tenacious of British honor, and doubtful of the passage of the Repeal Bill without some concessions, had appended to it an act, which declared that Parliament possessed the power "to bind the colonies, in all cases whatsoever." The egg of tyranny which lay concealed in this "declaratory act," as it was called, was not perceived by the colonists, while their eyes were filled with tears of joy; but when calm reflection came, they saw clearly that germ of future oppressions, and were uneasy. They perceived the Repeal Bill to be only a truce in the war upon freedom in America, and they watched every movement of the government party with suspicion. Within a few months afterward, a brood of obnoxious measures were hatched from that egg, and aroused the fiercest indignation of the colonists.

The American people, conscious of rectitude, were neither slow nor cautious

1 Note 2, page 213.

Edmund Burke was born in Ireland, in 1730. He became a lawyer, and was a very popular writer, as well as a speaker. He was in public office about thirty years, and died in 1797.

' William Pitt was born in England in 1708, and held many high offices of trust and emolument. During an exciting debate in Parliament, on American affairs, in the spring of 1778, he swooned, and died within a month afterward.

"Taxation," said Pitt, "is no part of the governing or legislative power. Taxes are the voluntary gift or grant of the commons alone." "I rejoice," he said, "that America has resisted. Three millions of people, so dead to all the feelings of liberty, as voluntarily to become slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of the rest." And Colonel Barrè declared that the colonists were planted by English oppression, grew by neglect, and in all the essential elements of a free people, were perfectly independent of Great Britain. He then warned the government to act justly, or the colonies would be lost to Great Britain forever.

2

A

in exhibiting their indignation, and this boldness irritated their oppressors. large portion of the House of Lords,' the whole bench of bishops, and many of the Commons, were favorable to coercive measures toward the Americans. Not doubting the power of Parliament to tax them, they prevailed on the ministry to adopt new schemes for replenishing the exhausted treasury' from the coffers of the colonists, and urged the justice of employing arms, if necessary, to enforce obedience. Troops were accordingly sent to America, in June, 1766; and a Mutiny Act was passed, which provided for their partial subsistence by the colonies. The appearance of these troops in New York, and the order for the people to feed and shelter the avowed instruments of their own enslavement, produced violent outbreaks in that city, and burning indignation all over the land. The Assembly of New York at once arrayed itself against the government, and refused compliance with the demands of the obnoxious act.

In the midst of the darkness, light seemed to dawn upon the Americans. Early in the month of July, Pitt was called to the head of the British ministry, and on the 30th of that month, he was created Earl of Chatham. He opposed the new measures as unwise and unjust, and the colonists hoped for reconciliation and repose. But Pitt could not always prevent mischief. During his absence from Parliament, on account of sickness, the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Charles Townshend) coalesced with Grenville in bringing new taxation schemes before that body. A bill was passed in June, 1767, for levying duties upon tea, glass, paper, painters' colors, etc., which should be imported into the colonies. Another was passed, in July, for establishing a Board of Trade in the colonies, independent of colonial legislation, and for creating resident commissioners of customs to enforce the revenue laws." Then another, a few days later, which forbade the New York Assembly to perform any legislative act whatever, until it should comply with the requisitions of the Mutiny Act. These taxation schemes, and blows at popular liberty, produced excitement throughout the colonies, almost as violent as those on account of the Stamp Act. The colonial Assemblies boldly protested; new non-importation associations were formed; pamphlets and newspapers were filled with inflammatory appeals to the people, defining their rights, and urging them to a united resistance; and early in 1768, almost every colonial Assembly had boldly ex

1 Every peer in the British realm is a legislator by virtue of his title; and when they are assembled for legislative duties, they constitute the House of Lords, or upper branch of the legislature, answering, in some degree, to our Senate.

Two archbishops, and twenty-four bishops of England and Wales, have a right to sit and vote in the House of Lords, and have the same political importance as the peers. By the act of union between Ireland and England, four "lords spiritual" from among the archbishops and bishops of the former country, have a seat in the House of Lords. The "lords temporal and lords spiritual" constitute the House of Lords. The House of Commons is composed of men elected by the people, and answers to the House of Representatives of our Federal Congress. Page 212. This act also allowed military officers, possessing a warrant from a justice of the peace, to break into any house where he might suspect deserters were concealed. Like the Writs of Assistance [page 212], this power might be used for wicked purposes.

3

In January, 1767, Grenville proposed a direct taxation of the colonies to the amount of twenty thousand dollars.

Note 6, page 212, and note 5, page 134.

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Page 215. Among the most powerful of these appeals, were a series of letters, written by John Dickenson, of Philadelphia, and entitled Letters of a Pennsylvania farmer. Like Paine's Crisis, ten years

pressed its conviction, that Parliament had no right to tax the colonies. These expressions were in response to a circular issued by Massachusetts [Feb., 1768] to the several Assemblies, asking their co-operation in obtaining a redress of grievances. That circular greatly offended the Ministry; and the governor of

Massachusetts was instructed to command the Assembly, in the king's name, to rescind the resolution adopting it. The Assembly, on the 30th of June ollowing, passed an almost unanimous vote not to rescind,' and made this very order an evidence of the intentions of government to enslave the colonists, by restraining the free speech and action of their representatives.

The British Ministry, ignorant and careless concerning the character and temper of the Americans, disregarded the portentous warnings which every vessel from the New World bore to their ears. Having resolved on employing physical force in the maintenance of obedience, and not doubting its potency,

later [note 4, page 250], these Letters produced a wide-spread and powerful effect on the public mind. James Otis asserted, in a pamphlet, that "taxes on trade [tariffs], if designed to raise a revenue, were as much a violation of their rights as any other tax." John Dickenson was born in Maryland, in November, 1732. He studied law in England for three years, and made his first appearance in public life, as a member of the Pennsylvania Assembly. He was a member of the Stamp Act Congress [page 215], and of the Continental Congress [page 226]. He was an eloquent speaker, and elegant writer. He was opposed to the independence of the colonies, but acquiesced, and was an able member of the convention that framed the Federal Constitution. He remained long in public life, and died in 1808, at the age of seventy-five years.

James Otis and Samuel Adams were the principal speakers on this occasion. "When Lord Hillsborough [colonial secretary] knows," said the former, "that we will not rescind our acts, he should appeal to Parliament to rescind theirs. Let Britons rescind their measures, or the colonies are lost to them forever."

they became less regardless of even the forms of justice, and began to treat the colonists as rebellious subjects, rather than as free British brethren. Ministers sent orders to the colonial Assemblies, warning them not to imitate the factious disobedience of Massachusetts; and the royal governors were ordered to enforce submission by all means in their power. The effect of these circulars was to disgust and irritate the Assemblies, and to stimulate their sympathy for Massachusetts, now made the special object of displeasure.

It was in the midst of the general excitement, in May, 1768, that the new commissioners of customs arrived at Boston. They were regarded with as much contempt as were the tax-gatherers in Judea, in the time of our Saviour.' It was difficult to restrain the more ignorant and excitable portion of the population from committing personal violence. A crisis soon arrived. In June, 1768, the sloop Liberty, belonging to John Hancock, one of the leaders of the popular mind in Boston,' arrived at that port with a cargo of Madeira wine. The commissioners demanded the payment of duties, and when it was refused, they seized the vessel. The news spread over the town, and the people resolved on immediate and effectual resistance. An assemblage of citizens soon became a mob, who dragged a custom-house boat through the town, burned it upon the Common, assailed the commissioners, damaged their houses, and compelled them to seek safety in Castle William, a small fortress at the entrance to the harbor. Alarmed by these demonstrations of the popular feeling, Governor Bernard unwisely invited General Gage, then in command of British troops at Halifax, to bring soldiers to Boston to overawe the inhabitants. They came in September [Sept. 27, 1768], seven hundred in number, and on a quiet Sabbath morning, landed under cover of the cannons of the British ships which brought them, and with drums beating, and colors flying, they marched to the Common, with all the parade of a victorious army entering a conquered city. Religion, popular freedom, patriotism, were all outraged, and the cup of the people s indignation was full. The colonists were taught the bitter, but necessary lesson, that armed resistance must oppose armed oppression."

4

Like the Assembly of New York, that of Massachusetts refused to afford

1 The publicans, or toll-gatherers of Judea, being a standing monument of the degradation of the Jews under the Roman yoke, were abhorred. One of the accusations against our Saviour was, that he did "eat with publicans and sinners." ' Page 231.

About three miles south-east from Boston. The fortress was ceded to the United States in 1798; and the following year it was visited by President Adams, and named Fort Independence, its present title. In connection with Castle William, we find the first mention of the tune of "Yankee Doodle." In the Boston Journal of the Times, September 29, 1768, is the following: "The fleet was brought to anchor near Castle William; that night there was throwing of sky-rockets; and those passing in boats observed great rejoicings, and that the Yankee Doodle Song was the capital piece in the band of music." ✦ Page 186.

• The British ministry had already resolved to send troops to Boston to subdue the rebellious propensities of the people.

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A large public park on the southern slope of Beacon Hill.

As the people refused to supply the troops with quarters, they were placed, some in the State House, some in Faneuil Hall [page 225], and others in tents on the Common. Cannons were planted at different points; sentinels challenged the citizens as they passed; and the whole town had the appearance of a camp.

arms.

There were, at that time, full two hundred thousand men in the colonies capable of bearing