place. In agreement with the President of the United States the Imperial Government is of opinion that the great work of preventing future wars can only be taken in hand after the present world war has terminated. As soon as that moment has come they will be joyfully ready to cooperate in this sublime task. If Switzerland, which, faithful to the country's noble traditions in mitigating the sufferings caused by the present war, has deserved imperishable merit, will also contribute to safeguarding the world's peace, the German nation and Government will highly welcome that. Scandinavian Reply to President Wilson's Peace Note, It is with the liveliest interest that the Norwegian Government has learned of the proposals which the President of the United States has just made with the purpose of facilitating measures looking toward the establishment of a durable peace, while at the same time seeking to avoid any interference which could cause offense to legitimate sentiments. The Norwegian Government would consider itself failing in its duties toward its own people and toward humanity if it did not express its deepest sympathy with all efforts which would contribute to put an end to the ever-increasing suffering and the moral and material losses. It has every hope that the initiative of President Wilson will arrive at a result worthy of the high purpose which inspires it. Entente Reply to the Peace Note of Germany and Her Allies, December 30, 19162 The Allied Governments of Russia, France, Great Britain, Japan, Italy, Serbia, Belgium, Montenegro, Portugal and Roumania, united for the defence of the freedom of nations and faithful to their undertakings not to lay down their arms except in common accord, have decided to return a joint answer to the illusory peace proposals which 1The New York Times, December 30, 1916. Identical note of Norway, Sweden and Denmark. 2The Times, London, January 1, 1917. have been addressed to them by the Governments of the enemy Powers through the intermediary of the United States, Spain, Switzerland, and the Netherlands. As a prelude to any reply, the Allied Powers feel bound to protest strongly against the two material assertions made in the note from the enemy Powers, the one professing to throw upon the Allies the responsibility of the war, and the other proclaiming the victory of the Central Powers. The Allies can not admit a claim which is thus untrue in each particular, and is sufficient alone to render sterile all attempt at negotiations. The Allied nations have for 30 months been engaged in [subissent -have had to endure] a war which they had done everything to avoid. They have shown by their actions their devotion to peace. This devotion is as strong to-day as it was in 1914; and after the violation by Germany of her solemn engagements, Germany's promise is no sufficient foundation on which to re-establish the peace which she broke. A mere suggestion, without statement of terms, that negotiations should be opened, is not an offer of peace. The putting forward by the Imperial Government of a sham [prétendue—pretended] proposal, lacking all substance and precision, would appear to be less an offer of peace than a war manœuvre. It is founded on a calculated misinterpretation of the character of the struggle in the past, the present, and the future. As for the past, the German note takes no account of the facts, dates, and figures which establish that the war was desired, provoked, and declared by Germany and Austria-Hungary. At the Hague Conference it was the German delegate who refused all proposals for disarmanent. In July, 1914, it was AustriaHungary who, after having addressed to Serbia an unprecedented ultimatum, declared war upon her in spite of the satisfaction which had at once been accorded. The Central Empires then rejected all attempts made by the Entente to bring about a pacific solution of a purely local conflict. Great Britain suggested a Conference, France proposed an International Commission, the Emperor of Russia asked the German Emperor to go to arbitration, and Russia and AustriaHungary came to an understanding on the eve of the conflict; but to all these efforts Germany gave neither answer nor effect. Belgium was invaded by an Empire which had guaranteed her neutrality. and which has had the assurance to proclaim that treaties were "scraps of paper" and that "necessity knows no law." At the present moment these sham [prétendues-pretended] offers on the part of Germany rest on a "War Map" of Europe alone, which represents nothing more than a superficial and passing phase of the situation, and not the real strength of the belligerents. A peace concluded upon these terms would be only to the advantage of the aggressors, who, after imagining that they would reach their goal in two months, discovered after two years that they could never attain it. As for the future, the disasters caused by the German declaration of war and the innumerable outrages committed by Germany and her Allies against both belligerents and neutrals demand penalties [sanctions-retribution], reparation, and guarantees; Germany avoids the mention of any of these. In reality these overtures made by the Central Powers are nothing more than a calculated attempt to influence the future course of the war, and to end it by imposing a German peace. The object of these overtures is to create dissension in public opinion [troubler l'opinion-disturb opinion] in allied countries. But that public opinion has, in spite of all the sacrifices endured by the Allies, already given its answer with admirable firmness, and has denounced the empty pretence [vide-emptiness] of the declaration of the Enemy Powers. They have the further object of stiffening public opinion in Germany and in the countries allied to her; one and all, already severely tried by their losses, worn out by economic pressure and crushed by the supreme effort which has been imposed upon their inhabitants. They endeavour to deceive and intimidate public opinion in neutral countries whose inhabitants have long since made up their minds where the initial responsibility rests, have recognized existing responsibilities, and are far too enlightened to favour the designs of Germany by abandoning the defence of human freedom. Finally, these overtures attempt to justify in advance in the eyes of the world a new series of crimes-submarine warfares, deportations, forced labour and forced enlistment of inhabitants against their own countries, and violations of neutrality. Fully conscious of the gravity of this moment, but equally conscious of its requirements, the Allied Governments, closely united. to one another and in perfect sympathy with their peoples, refuse to consider a proposal which is empty and insincere. Once again the Allies declare that no peace is possible so long as they have not secured reparation of violated rights and liberties, recognition of the principle of nationalities, and of the free existence. of small states; so long as they have not brought about a settlement calculated to end, once and for all, forces [causes-causes] which have contributed a perpetual menace to the nations [qui depuis si longtemps ont menacé les nations-which have so long threatened. the nations], and to afford the only effective guarantees for the future security of the world. In conclusion, the Allied Powers think it necessary to put forward the following considerations, which show the special situation of Belgium after two and a half years of war. In virtue of international treaties, signed by five great European Powers, of whom Germany was one, Belgium enjoyed, before the war, a special status, rendering her territory inviolable and placing her, under the guarantee of the Powers, outside all European conflicts. She was however, in spite of these treaties, the first to suffer the aggression of Germany. For this reason the Belgian Government think it necessary to define the aims which Belgium has never ceased to pursue, while fighting side by side with the Entente Powers for right and justice. Belgium has always scrupulously fulfilled the duties which her neutrality imposed upon her. She has taken up arms to defend her independence and her neutrality violated by Germany, and to show that she remains faithful [et pour rester fidèle-and to be true] to her international obligations. On August 4, 1914, in the Reichstag, the German Chancellor admitted that this aggression constituted an injustice contrary to the laws of nations and pledged himself in the name of Germany to repair it. During two and a half years this injustice has been cruelly aggravated by the proceedings of the occupying forces, which have exhausted the resources of the country, ruined its industries, devastated its towns and villages, and have been responsible for innumerable massacres, executions and imprisonments. At this very moment, while Germany is proclaiming peace and humanity to the world, she is deporting Belgian citizens by thousands and reducing them to slavery. Belgium before the war asked for nothing but to live in harmony with all her neighbours. Her King and her Government have but one aim the re-establishment of peace and justice [droit-right]. But they only desire [desire only] a peace which would assure to their country legitimate reparation, guarantees, and safeguards for the future. Bulgarian Reply to President Wilson's Peace Note, December 30, 19161 Consul General Murphy to the Secretary of State [TELEGRAM] Referring circular eighteenth. AMERICAN CONSULATE GENERAL, Sofia, December 30, 1916. Bulgarian foreign minister responds following: "I have had the honor to receive the letter you were pleased to address to me on the 28th of this month to acquaint me with the step taken by Mr. President Wilson in favor of peace, and I hasten to communicate to you the following answer of the Bulgarian Government: "The generous initiative of the President of the United States tending to create bases for the restoration of peace, was cordially received and taken into consideration by the Royal Government in the same friendly spirit which is evidenced by the presidential communication. The President indicates the object he has at heart and leaves open the choice of the way leading to that object. The Royal Government considers a direct exchange of views to be the most efficacious way to attain the desired end. In accordance with its declaration of the 12th of December inst., which extends a hand for peace negotiations, it has the honor to propose an immediate meeting at one place of delegates of the belligerent powers. The Royal Government shares the view that the great undertaking which consists in preventing future war can only be initiated after the close of present conflict of nations. When that time comes, the Royal Government will be glad to cooperate with the United States of America and other neutral nations in that sublime endeavor. "Be pleased to accept, Mr. Consul General, the assurances of my high consideration. "(Signed) DoCTOR RADOSLAVOFF.” MURPHY. King Constantine's Reply to President Wilson's Peace Note, December 30, 19162 I wish to express, Mr. President, feelings of sincere admiration and lively sympathy for the generous initiative you have just taken 1Official print of the Department of State. 2The New York Times, January 1, 1917. For the formal reply of the Greek Government, see post, p. 67. |