you please."

In the same dispatch, Morris spoke of the "sending out of M. Genet, without mentioning to me a syllable either of his mission or his errand," and said that "the pompousness of this embassy could not but excite the attention of England."

On the 7th of March, Morris wrote to Jefferson that "Genet took out with him three hundred blank commissions, which he is to distribute to such as will fit out cruisers in our ports to prey on the British commerce," and that he had already mentioned the fact to Pinckney, and had desired him to transmit it.3

The new condition of affairs caused by the war induced the President to submit a series of questions to the members of his cabinet for their consideration and reply. It would seem from a passage in Mr. Jefferson's Ana that the second of these questions-"Shall a Minister from France be received?" was suggested by the Secretary of State.5 An account of the meeting of the cabinet at which these questions were discussed will be found in vol. 9 Jefferson's Works, page 142.

The first two questions were unanimously answered in the affirmative-that a proclamation for the purpose of preventing citizens of the United States from interfering in the war between France and Great Britain should issue, and that Genet should be received; but by a compromise, the term "neutrality" was omitted from the text of the proclamation."

When Genet landed in Charleston, on the 8th of April, 1793-even when he arrived in Philadelphia-it may be believed that Washington contemplated the probability of closer relations with France, and the possibility of a war with Great Britain. The relations with the latter Power were in a critical condition. British garrisons were occupying commanding positions on our lake frontiers, within the territory of the United States, in violation of the Treaty of 1783; and an Indian quarrel was on the President's hands, fomented, as he thought, by British intrigue."

The policy which Washington favored, denied France nothing that she could justly demand under the Treaty, except the possible enforce

11 F. R. F., 350.

2Ib.

31 F. R. F., 354.

410 Washington's Works, 337, 533.

59 Jefferson's Works, 140.

63 Jefferson's Works, 591.

710 Washington's Works, 239. See also Morris's opinion, 1 F. R. F., 412, and Randolph's, Ib., 678.

ment of the provision of guarantee; and that provision was waived by Genet in his first interview with Jefferson. "We know," he said, "that under present circumstances we have a right to call upon you for the guarantee of our islands. But we do not desire it."1

On the other hand, it offered to Great Britain neutrality only, without a right of asylum for prizes, this being conferred exclusively by Treaty upon France; and it demanded the relinquishment of the Forts on the lakes and the abandonment of impressment.

It is not likely that the purposes of Genet's mission were fully comprehended by the American Government. By a Treaty in 1762 (first made public in 1836), France ceded Louisiana to Spain. Genet was instructed to sound the disposition of the inhabitants of Louisiana towards the French Republic, and to omit no opportunity to profit by it should circumstances seem favorable. He was also to direct particular attention to the designs of the Americans upon the Mississippi.3

In one of his letters Genet says of himself, "I have been seven years a head of the bureau at Versailles, under the direction of Vergennes; I have passed one year at London, two at Vienna, one at Berlin, and five in Russia." His dealings with the United States showed that he had gathered little wisdom from such varied experience.

Before he left Charleston, which at that time had few regular means of communication with Philadelphia, he had armed and commissioned several vessels, and these vessels, dispatched to sea, had made many prizes. On his arrival at Philadelphia, Jefferson met him with complaints; but he justified his course at Charleston and denounced an interference with it as a "State Inquisition"; and, admitting what was complained of, he contended that he had not exceeded the rights conferred upon his country by the Treaty of 1778.

The Secretary of State disputed his reasoning; upon which he retorted: "I wish, Sir, that the Federal Government should observe, as far as in their power, the public engagements contracted by both nations; and that by this generous and prudent conduct, they will give at least to the world the example of a true neutrality, which does not consist in the cowardly abandonment of their friends, in the moment

13 Jefferson's Works, 563.

26 Garden, Traités de Paix, 266.

38 Garden, Traités de Paix, 40-41. 41 F. R. F., 183.

"Ib., 150.

when danger menaces them, but in adhering strictly, if they can do no better, to the obligations they have contracted with them." He continued to claim and exercise the right of using the ports of the United States as a base for warlike operations, and, as the discussions went on, his expressions became stronger, and more contemptuous toward the President and the Government of the United States.

His instructions contemplated a political alliance between the two republics. This was never proposed. He did propose, however, the re-arrangement of the debt due to France on the basis of the payment of a larger installment than was required by the contract, to be expended in the purchase of provisions in the United States:-and the conclusion of a new commercial Treaty. Jefferson declined the former, and as to the latter said that the participation in matters of Treaty given by the Constitution to the Senate would delay any definite answer.3

At length his conduct became so violent and indecent (Garden speaks of Washington as "personnellement insulté dans les actes diplomatiques de M. Genet") that Jefferson, on the 15th of August, 1793, instructed Morris to demand his recall. One of the first acts of his successor was to demand his arrest for punishment, which was refused by the Government of the United States "upon reasons of law and magnanimity."5

It was several months before the request for his recall could be complied with. Meanwhile, the United States being without a navy, prizes continued to be brought into their ports, and French Consuls attempted to hold prize courts within their jurisdiction. Genet also applied himself diligently at this time to the greater scheme respecting the Louisianas, which Garden regards as the main object of his mission. An armed expedition was organized in South Carolina and Georgia for an attack upon Florida. Garden says that he had assurances that all Louisiana desired to return under the jurisdiction of France, and he made serious preparations for conquering it. He prepared a co-operation of naval forces, which were to appear off the coast of Florida.

11 F. R. F., 151.

2Ib., 708.

3Ib., 568.

48 Garden, Traités de Paix, 43, "personally insulted by the acts of Mr. Genet." 51 F. R. F., 709.

Ib., 147.

Ib., 309, 426.

The principal land forces were to embark from Kentucky, and, descending the Ohio and the Mississippi, were to fall unexpectedly upon New Orleans." The action of the Government and the recall of Genet put a stop to these expeditions against Spain, although Jefferson at that time thought a war with Spain inevitable."

In retaliation the Executive Provisory Council of the French Republic demanded the recall of Morris. In communicating the fact to him Secretary Randolph said: "You have been assailed, however, from another quarter. Nothing has ever been said to any officer of our Government by the Ministers of France which required attention. until the 9th day of April last, when Mr. Fauchet communicated to me a part of his instructions, indirectly but plainly making a wish for your recall. In a few days afterwards a letter was received from the Executive Provisory Council, expressive of the same wish. Mr. Fauchet was answered by me, under the direction of the President, as I am sure your good sense will think inevitable, that the act of reciprocity demanded should be performed."

Washington wrote Morris, when his successor went out: "I have so far departed from my determination as to be seated in order to assure you that my confidence in, and friendship and regard for you, remain undiminished * *and it will be nothing new to assure you that I am always and very sincerely, yours, affectionately;" and when his correspondence was called for by the Senate, Washington himself. in association with Hamilton and Randolph, went over it (and it was voluminous) in order that nothing might be communicated which would put in peril those who had given him information, or which would re-act upon him in France.

When the war broke out in February, 1793, Morris wrote Jefferson: "As to the conduct of the war, I believe it to be on the part of the enemy as follows: first, the maritime powers will try to cut off all supplies of provisions, and take France by famine; that is to say, excite revolt among the people by that strong lever. It is not improbable that our vessels bringing provisions to France may be cap

* *

18 Garden, Traités de Paix, 42. More detailed account of this affair will be found in 2 Pitkin's Political History, 379.

23 Jefferson's Works, 591.

31 F. R. F., 463.

4Randolph to Morris, April 29, 1794, MS. Dept. of State. 51 F. R. F., 409.

Randolph to Morris, April 29, 1794, MS. Dept. of State.

Such

tured and taken into England." His prescience was accurate. instructions were given to British men-of-war on the 8th day of June, 1793. The British measure, however, was anticipated by a decree of the National Convention of the 9th of May, authorizing ships of war and privateers to seize and carry into the ports of the Republic merchant-vessels which are wholly or in part loaded with provisions, being neutral property bound to an enemy's port, or having on board merchandise belonging to an enemy. On the 23d of the same month the vessels of the United States were exempted from the operation of this decree; but on the 5th of December, 1793, President Washington sent a special message to Congress, in which he said: "The representative and executive bodies of France have manifested generally a friendly attachment to this country; have given advantages to our commerce and navigation, and have made overtures for placing these advantages on permanent ground; a decree, however, of the National Assembly, subjecting vessels laden with provisions to be carried into their ports, and making enemies' goods lawful prize in the vessel of a friend, contrary to our Treaty, though revoked at one time as to the United States, has been since extended to their vessels also, and has been recently stated to us.'

5

An embargo was laid upon vessels in the port of Bordeaux, "some exceptions in favor of those vessels said to be loaded on account of the republic" being made. Morris was promised daily that the embargo should be taken off, and indemnification be granted for the losses, but it was not done, and "a number of Americans," injured by it, complained to the Minister. The embargo was not removed until the 18th of November, 1794.8

Monroe succeeded Morris, and on the 12th of February, 1795, wrote: "Upon my arrival here I found our affairs * * in the worst possible situation. The Treaty between the two Republics was violated. Our commerce was harassed in every quarter and in every article, even that of tobacco not excepted. * Our former Minister was not only without the confidence of the government, but an object of particular

11 F. R. F., 350. 2Ib., 244.

3Ib.

4 Ib., 141.

Ib., 401. 6Ib., 403.

7Ib., 405. 8 Ib., 689.

*