of Austria, whose master, Metternich, regarded the suggestion that Christian principles should be applied to politics "as merely the overflow of the patriotic feelings of the Emperor Alexander." According to the astute Chancellor, the alliance was not an institution designed "to keep down the rights of the people and to promote absolutism or any other tyranny." Certain it is, however, that he used it for that purpose.

Justice for All Races and Peoples The complicated treaties which constituted the Peace of Vienna were designed to stereotype a medieval system of absolutism based on tyranny and injustice, and the result demonstrated that an unjust system can neither be operated on Christian principles nor permanently maintained by any measure of skill or force. Neither a selfish alliance nor the most altruistic and elaborately organized and sanctioned league of nations can enforce permanently a peace based on injustice. Hence a peace of justice must precede the formation of such a League of Nations as the Allies now have in contemplation. Only after great wrongs are righted can the organization of a League to Enforce Peace be brought within the sphere of practical world politics.

That the diverse cultural races must be protected in the right to determine their political relations is now conceded even by Germany. Many millions of people who are not sufficiently developed for self-determination will be represented in the peace council by those who hold dominion over them. justice is universal, not tribal, racial or national, and no peace and no new international order will be worth preservation which does not protect and secure justice for these backward races.

But

Germany's Colonies Might Be Held Subject to a League of Nations

Germany will never willingly consent to the permanent loss of the colonial possessions to which she looks for the raw material essential for the rehabilitation of her commerce and industries. It will be one of her last ditches. As late as October 2, Foreign Minister Solf restated the demand for the return of the colonies and for a new partition of Africa, in order to consolidate Germany's scattered colonies. British and French sentiment is strongly in favor of holding permanently the German colonies. According to Mr. Walter Long, the British Colonial Secretary, the colonies should be held at least

until Germany demonstrates a willingness to "act in conformity with the ordinary rules that govern nations in their treatment of natives, and in their relations with other countries." General Smuts, the South African member of the War Cabinet, recommends that they be returned only when Germany "is run on the same lines as the British Empire." The scheme of the British Labor Party for the government of all colonies by an international commission has met with some degree of approval. Any arrangement such as suggested for holding the colonies while Germany is serving a reformatory sentence or on parole is utterly impracticable, unless supervised by a League of Nations.

Interests of the Native Populations

The fifth of President Wilson's principles, which have been accepted by Germany and Austria-Hungary as bases for peace nogotiations, provides little more than a starting point for the discussion of the colonial problem. It reads:

A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

While this language is of general application, it is evident that only German colonial claims are under consideration. There is no intention of investigating and adjudicating the titles of the Allied nations to their various colonies and dependencies. A victorious Allied peace is implied, and the sovereignty of Great Britain over India, Egypt, and the Crown colonies, of France over Algiers and Tonkin, and of America over the Philippines and Porto Rico, is not involved. It is equally certain that in 1914 the title of Germany to her African and Pacific colonies was unquestionable under the established law of nations. The necessary inference is that President Wilson understood that Germany's sovereignty over the lands in question had been lost by their conquest (which of course is not true legally), and that her "title" and "colonial claims" were to be "determined."

Unfortunately in this statement the interests of the inhabitants are given only equal weight with the equitable claims (whatever they are) of Germany. Among the enlightened colonizing powers, the interests of the natives are now recognized as the primary

and controlling consideration, not to be outweighed by any equitable or other claims of a metropolitan state.

Germany's Faults as a Colonial Ruler

There can be no peace of justice which leaves ten million black and brown men to be exploited by Germany. The history of her three decades of colonization disqualify her for control over backward people, for whom and their possessions civilization is the trustee. If any doubts remained, they have been removed by the recent report of the Administrator of Southwest Africa, which is based largely on facts drawn from the German records left at Windhuk, and from the writings of Governor Leutwein, Karl Dove, and other recognized German authorities. As the London Telegraph says, it is a sad story of treachery and of "unashamed, calculated, and relentless cruelty and nameless atrocities."

The tropics, which socially and politically lie in the twilight zone of civilization, are inhabited by people who have been unable either to develop a distinct civilization of their own, to resist the onslaughts of disintegrating forces from without, or to accept and assimilate a foreign system. Their fertile lands, under native control, have not produced the products which the world requires from them. They have, thus, invited commercial and political exploitation. Weak politically and economically, and incapable of defense, they have been a standing invitation to the ambition of states and the cupidity of individuals. For centuries, they were harried, oppressed, and exploited, but during the last few decades people generally have been growing kinder, more sympathetic, more willing to aid in bearing the burdens of the weak and unfortunate, more willing to recognize the obligations of a common humanity. The Modernized Spirit of Great Colonizing States

With this more generous and humane attitude there came a change over the spirit in which the great colonizing states had been dealing with their dependent people. Colonization came to signify the extension, by annexation or some form of protectorate, of the authority and activities of an established power over lands vacated, or inhabited to some extent, by people of a lower order of vilization, with the object of developing resources of the country and improving physical and moral condition of the na

tives. They were to be uplifted instead of destroyed or converted into slaves.

Germany, alone, openly adhered to the theory that colonies exist solely for the benefit of the metropolitan state. She deliberately, and on alleged scientific grounds, adopted as a permanent policy the medieval plantation theory of colonization. In England, France, Italy, and the United States it had become the accepted view that the welfare of the natives was the primary consideration, and that the home state must be satisfied with incidental benefits. The stress was placed on the idea of duty toward the weak and undeveloped.

Of course, this was a modern conception, and it must be confessed that prior to the year 1900, it found little expression in practice.

The conversion of the natives to Christianity was a controlling motive in early colonization, but the idea of converting them into citizens as well as saints was still deemed ridiculous. Charles Dickens amused the public with his satirical portrait of the philanthropic Mrs. Jellaby, who was "devoted to the subject of Africa, with a view to the general cultivation of coffee and the natives." But the sense of obligation for the cultivation of the natives, as well as the coffee, developed with the growth of liberalism, and Lord Milner expressed the controlling thought of English statesmen when he said that in the rivalry between the nations "the one will be most successful which exhibits the greatest wisdom in its efforts to promote the welfare, and progress, and contentment of its subject people."

Self-Government as a Goal

It was thus generally recognized by statesmen, as well as by reformers, that the control of backward races involved moral as well as political and economic considerations.

The United States was the first great colonizing power to announce, in connection with its Philippine policy, that complete selfgovernment and, ultimately, an independent state, was not only the incidental and possible result, but the direct object of its activities. The spectacle of a great nation deliberately assuming the task of training a dependent people for self-government had a tremendous influence upon the minds of the natives of the Orient, and the backward people of the world under the guidance of the United States, Great Britain, and France, were making great strides toward realizing their laudable desire for self-government.

The Teutonic Conception Germany, who was assumed to be within the pale of the Christian civilization of the West, was trying to create a tribal civilization based on biological theories and the assumed superiority of the German blood, which, under the guidance of a God interested only in Prussians and the Kaiser, was to conquer and govern the world for its own good and the glory of militarism. It was to do this by force of arms and the elimination of the weak. For cold-blooded and scientific diabolism the conceptions on which this system rested were without parallel in human history. It was the very apotheosis of force. It worshiped the destructive forces of nature, while ignoring its altruistic and ameliorating forces. It discarded the sentiments of pity for the weak and unfortunate which the liberal spirit of the age had cultivated. It bowed before the shrine of the god of Efficiency, which was but another name for organized force. It trained and cared for the working classes solely in order that they might constitute a useful part of the machine.

Mastery of Inferior Races

After the defeat of France in 1870, and especially after the accession of William II in 1888, the glorification of Prussia and the Prussian spirit became an obsession. Arrogance and contempt for all that was not German reached incredible heights. As expressed by a distinguished author, "He who does not believe in the divine mission of Germany had better hang himself, and rather to-day than to-morrow." "God has taken the German nation under his special care," wrote Pastor Lehmann. Under such guidance, with the Kaiser assumed to be in personal relation with the German God, it is not surprising that Germany dreamed of conquest in Europe and beyond the seas. As expressed by Felix Dahn:

therefore of slight value, were to be taught the goose step and made to fight, fetch and carry for their masters, or be eliminated. Treitschke taught that the outcome of the next war "must be the acquisition of colonies by any means." Ludwig Reimer argued that while humanity may be very well for inferior races, Germanicism may not be hampered by its restraints. "Do they stand in the way of our expansion, or do they not?" If they do not, Herr Reimer says, "Let them develop as their nature prescribes." If they do, "it would be folly to spare them, for they would be like a wedge in our flesh which we refrain from extracting only for their sake. If we found ourselves forced to break up the historical form of the nation, in order to separate its racial elements, taking what belongs to our race and rejecting what is foreign, we ought not, therefore, to have any moral scruples."

A Colonizing Power for Thirty Years

After the revolution of 1848, most of the German liberal thinkers and patriots who were not imprisoned or shot emigrated to America and the drain continued during the succeeding years. The industrial development, which was fostered and financed by the government, largely by means of the indemnity wrung from France, stopped emigration to some extent.

Bismarck was never in favor of an extensive scheme of colonization. He thought that Germany "had enough hay on her fork," and that colonies at her then stage of development would be like the ermine cloak of the Polish noble who had no shirt. However, under pressure and against his better judgment, he finally adopted the policy of expansion beyond European limits.

Having determined to acquire colonies, Germany acted with characteristic promptness and precision. In 1884, she held no lands beyond the seas. One year later she had acquired an exterior empire of more than one million square miles of territory, on which lived about ten million natives. With the exception of the Bismarck Archipelago and a few small islands such as those in the Samoan group, and Kiao Chau, which was her gateway to China, her possessions in August, 1914, were in Africa-Togo, the Kamerun, German East Africa, and German West Africa. She was, thus, in possession of a great territory in the tropics. The attempt to establish settlement colonies failed. Not only were climatic conditions generally

unfavorable, but the German workmen no longer cared to emigrate. Vast sums were expended by the government on these colonies. The burden on the treasury became serious, and it could be relieved only by the exploitation of the natives. The German has never been able to deal successfully with such people because he recognizes only force and frightfulness. He made himself hated and feared, and the atrocities committed behind the veil which enshrouded the dark continent merely foreshadowed those which have made the German name anathema throughout the world.

Exploitation versus Settlement

Germany's colonial methods were those of the Dark Ages of colonization; her theories made the development of the natives impossible; she expressly repudiated any obligation toward the natives as men; she thought of their well being only as it affected their value as forced laborers. She tried to make each colony a little Prussia. The colonial governments were military in form and character. The local officers were soldiers in full uniform. Verboten was as familiar in Kiao Chau as in Berlin. She built fine buildings, docks, and broad streets, but trade would not come. Even her own traders settled in Hong Kong, Singapore, and other British colonies where they enjoyed perfect liberty and equality with the British.

The German colonies were designed to produce raw material and develop markets for manufactured articles. The outlook was hopeless unless the natives could be so trained and disciplined as to render them efficient producers. About a year before the war, Professor Bonn, of the University of Munich, delivered an address at the Colonial Institute in London, in which he described the methods and results of German colonization. With reference to the natives, he said:

The question is, what are we to do with the natives when we have the power to shape their fate? We want them to be as numerous as possible and as skilful and intelligent as we can make them, for only their numbers and industry can make our colonial empire as useful and as necessary as it ought to be to us.

While a few enthusiasts still hoped to establish settlement colonies, Professor Bonn conceded that the government had "shown plainly enough that its idea of colonization is not a policy of settlement, but one of commercial exploitation." It cared nothing for the inhabitants as men. They were raw ma

terial out of which, under German discipline, efficient laborers were to be made. They were also to be drilled and trained as soldiers, and an army of blacks, under German discipline, was to sweep the British, French, and Italians from Africa. English rule in India was to be overthrown and the wealth of that vast empire turned away from India and into the coffers of Germany. The facts. of the conspiracy are slowly coming to light. August Thyssen, one of the leading financiers of Germany, has recently published a pamphlet in which he tells of the promises made by the Emperor to German business men, to induce them to aid in financing the war. The Kaiser said:

It is, in a

India is occupied by the British. way, governed by the British, but it is by no means completely governed by them. We shall not merely occupy India, we shall conquer it, and the vast revenues which the British allow to be taken by Indian princes will, after our conquest, flow in a golden stream into the fatherland. In all the richest lands in the earth, the German flag will fly over every other flag.

For years before the war there had been peace, quiet and prosperity in every British, French, and American colony. The increase of population was normal. During that time Germany was systematically, with fire, sword, and poison, destroying the natives of her African colonies who resented her brutal methods. The German census of 1911 shows that between 1904 and 1911 the Hereros were reduced from 80,000 to 15,000, the Hottentots from 20,000 to 9800, and the Berg Damaros from 30,000 to 12,800.

The return of the colonies to Germany would again subject these poor people to the most cruel and ferocious system of government which has existed since the days of the Spanish conquistadores. Germany cannot act as trustee for the weak and defenseless.

Of course, the German colonies cannot be cast adrift, as the inhabitants are utterly incapable of governing themselves. Nor are they capable of deciding their own future. The most liberal interpretation of the right of self-determination cannot make it applicable to African savages. Evidently then

the choice is between the retention of the colonies by Great Britain under some arrangement with her self-governing colonies. and dependencies, or holding them for a chastened and reformed Germany. If the latter plan is adopted, they must be under the immediate supervision of an international commission or subject to the control of a League of Nations.

NOT

OT many months ago the Secretary of the Interior, Franklin K. Lane, advertised for the discovery of America. The advertisement brought prompt results. On the 426th anniversary of the geographical discovery of America, Mr. Lane was able to announce that the discovery had been accomplished-the discovery and utilization of America's natural resources-the discovery of the unknown America of mineral and metal and of metallurgical store, the America of latent power, untouched resource and wonder-working elements; the symmetrical terranean body with its primordial potentialities ready to be mobilized for the battle of the giants.

It had always been an American boast that we were a self-sufficient country-that we could independently maintain and sustain ourselves. The war jolted us out of this, as out of many other smug complacencies. We discovered that before the modern soldier can spring to arms myriads of complex activities must take place to provide the arms, and that creating armies was not merely calling out men but calling out mountain and valley, forest and plain, lake and river, the air above and the earth beneath. We found that warfare between men, become supermen and masters at last of the physical world, was a veritable hurling of mountain against mountain and continent against continent-that the whole physiographic basis of the nation is its vast arsenal. We found that our continental arsenal was neglected, unorganized and partly empty.

A Nation Dependent Upon Others We discovered that in this war of the very elements we could not maintain ourselves militarily without the nitrates of Chile, and that the fertility of our fields was dependent on those nitrates and the potash salts of Germany itself. Loss of control of the seas or insufficiency of tonnage might cut us off from the Chilean sources of fertility and explosives, and the war itself de

nied us the potash salts of Stassfurt in Saxony from which we have been wont to draw a million tons a year for the replenishment of our fields and the supplying of our chemical industries.

Nor was that all. We were dependent on Spain for part of the explosive energy that must be wielded against Germany. Sulphuric acid, indispensable in the making of explosives, is largely derived from iron pyrites, which came chiefly from Spain. So with many other minerals and metals, essential either to military purposes or manufacturing independence. We imported most of our requirements of manganese, essential in the manufacture of all steel; and it was likewise with chromite, tungsten, and antimony. We were utterly dependent on Russia and Colombia for platinum. We were short of mica. We did not have enough asbestos. Canada supplied our nickel and cobalt. Outside of the major metals-iron, copper, lead, and zinc-and the mineral fuels, of which the United States has an ample supply, the minerals essential to modern warfare, are sulphur, nitrate, platinum, and mercury, which are used in the manufacture of explosives; and the minerals essential for the making of steel alloys, which are manganese, tungsten, chromium, nickel, cobalt, molybdenum, vanadium, and uranium. Other minerals required in the manufacture of munitions and military equipment are aluminum and bauxite, antimony and magnesium. The minerals necessary to the essential industries in addition to the above are potash, nitrate, phosphate (the third of the chief fertilizers, of which the United States is the greatest producer), tin, graphite, mica, asbestos, magnesite, gold and silver.

We had most of these minerals and metals in our own country, but either they were not mined at all, or not in sufficient quantities. The demand for some of them was so small that they did not appeal to the wholesale American enterprise, and some