the Chickasaw bluffs, would be tolerably central, and tney might admit us to tend corn for feeding the factory and themselves when at it, and even to fix some persons for the protection of the factory from the Indians west of the Mississippi, and others. After awhile we might purchase these, and add to it from time to time. 3. We should continue to increase and nourish their friendship and confidence by every act of justice and of favor which we can possibly render them. What we know in favor of the other Indians, should not constitute the measure of what we do for these, our views as to these being so much more important. This tribe is very poor, and they want necessaries with which we abound. We want lands with which they abound; and these natural wants seem to offer fair ground of mutual supply.

The country between the Mississippi and Illinois on one side, and the Ohio and Wabash on the other, is also peculiarly desirable to us, and is in a situation this moment which renders it particularly easy for us to acquire a considerable portion of it. It has belonged to the Kaskaskias, Cahokias and Piorias. The Cahokias (of whom the Michiganris were a part) have been anticipated by the Sacs, the Piorias driven off, and the Kaskaskias decreased to a few families. Governor Harrison, in his letter of November 28th, 1802, says the Pioria chief has offered the right of his nation to these lands for a trifle. We should not fail to purchase it immediately. The Cahokias being extirpated, we have a right to their lands in preference to any Indian tribe, in virtue of our permanent sovereignty over it. He also says that Deloigne, the Kaskaskia chief, would make easy terms with us. I think we should be liberal in our offers to the Kaskaskians. They are now but a few families, exposed to numerous enemies, and unable to defend themselves, and would cede lands in exchange for protection. We might agree to their laying off one hundred acres of the best soil for every person, young and old, of their tribe, we might enclose it well for them in one general inclosure, give to every family utensils and stock sufficient for their portion of it, and give them an annuity in necessaries, on their ceding to us their whole country, on retaining for themselves only

a moderate range around their farms for their stock to range in; and we might undertake to protect them from their enemies. Having thus established ourselves in the rights of the Kaskaskias, Cahokias and Piorias, we should have to settle the boundaries between them and the Kickapoos, Powtawatamies and Weaws. We should press again the good will of these tribes by friendly acts, and of their chiefs by largesses, and then propose to run the line between us, to claim whatever can be said to be doubtful, offering them a liberal price for their pretensions, and even endeavoring to obtain from them a cession of so much of their acknowledged territory as they can be induced to part with.

As to the country on the Mississippi above the mouth of the Illinois, its acquisition is not pressing in the present state of things. It might be well to be inquiring into titles, and to claim whatever may have been abandoned or lost by its native owners, so as to prevent usurpation by tribes having no right; as also to purchase such portions as may be found in the occupation of small remnants of tribes nearly extinct and disposed to emigrate.

For the present, it is submitted to the consideration of the Secretary of War, whether instructions should not be immediately given to Governor Harrison to treat with the Piorias and Kaskaskias chiefs; as to the latter, which is most important, it would be easy to solicit and bring over by presents every individual of mature age.

XXXVIII.

Notes on the subject of the consular convention between the United States and France. May 3d, 1803.

In 1784 a convention was entered into between Dr. Franklin and the Count de Vergennes concerning consuls. It contained many things absolutely inadmissible by the laws of the several

States, and inconsistent with their genius and character. Franklin, not being a lawyer, and the project offered by the Count de Vergennes being a copy of the conventions which were established between France and the despotic States on the continent (for with England they never had one), he seems to have supposed it a formula established by universal experience, and not to have suspected that it might contain matters inconsistent with the principles of a free people. He returned to America soon after the signature of it. Congress received it with the deepest concern. They honored Dr. Franklin, they were attached to the French nation; but they could not relinquish fundamental principles. They declined ratifying it, and sent it back with new powers and instructions to Mr. Jefferson, who succeeded Dr. Franklin at Paris. The most objectionable matters were the privileges and exemptions given to the consuls, and their powers over persons of the nation, establishing a jurisdiction independent of that of the nation in which it was exercised, and uncontrollable by it. The French government valued these, because they then apprehended a very extensive emigration from France to the United States, which this convention enabled them to control. It was, therefore, with the utmost reluctance, and inch by inch, that they could be induced to relinquish these conditions. The following changes, however, were effected by the convention of 1788:

The clauses of the convention of 1784, clothing consuls with the privileges of the laws of nations, were struck out, and they were expressly subjected, in their persons and property, to the laws of the land.

The giving the right of sanctuary to their houses, was reduced to a protection of their chancery room and its papers.

Their coercive powers over passengers were taken away; and those whom they might have termed deserters of their nation, were restrained to deserted seamen only.

The clause allowing them to arrest and send back vessels, was struck out, and instead of it they were allowed to exercise a police over the ships of their nation generally.

So was that which declared the indelibility of the character

of subject, and the explanation and extension of the eleventh article of the treaty of amity.

The innovations in the laws of evidence were done away; and the convention, from being perpetual, was limited to twelve years.

Although strong endeavors were made to do away some other disagreeable articles, yet it was found that more could not be done without disturbing the good humor which Congress wished so much to preserve, and the limitation obtained for the continuance of the constitution insured our getting finally rid of the whole. Congress, therefore, satisfied with having so far amended their situation, ratified the convention of 1788 without hesitation.

To Mr. Wingate.

XXXIX.

Resolutions relative to the alien and sedition laws.*

1. Resolved, That the several States composing the United States of America, are not united on the principle of unlimited submission to their general government; but that, by a compact under the style and title of a Constitution for the United States, and of amendments thereto, they constituted a general government for special purposes,-delegated to that government certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, the residuary mass of right to their own self-government; and that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an integral party, its co-States forming, as to itself, the other party: that the government created by this compact was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent of the powers delegated to itself; since that

* [Two copies of these resolutions are preserved among the manuscripts of the author, both in his own handwriting. One is a rough draught, and the other very neatly and carefully prepared. The probability is, that they are the origi nal of the celebrated Kentucky Resolutions on the same subject.-ED.]

would have made its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its powers; but that, as in all other cases of compact among powers having no common judge, each party has an equal right to judge for itself, as well of infractions as of the mode and measure of redress.

2. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, piracies, and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations, and no other crimes whatsoever; and it being true as a general principle, and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also declared, that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people," therefore the act of Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and intituled "An Act in addition to the act intituled An Act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States," as also the act passed by them on the day of June, 1798, intituled "An Act to punish frauds committed on the bank of the United States," (and all their other acts which assume to create, define, or punish crimes, other than those so enumerated in the Constitution,) are altogether void, and of no force; and that the power to create, define, and punish such other crimes is reserved, and, of right, appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, each within its own territory.

3. Resolved, That it is true as a general principle, and is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the Constitution, that "the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people ;" and that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all lawful powers respecting the same did of right remain, and were reserved to the States or the people that thus was manifested their determination to retain to themselves the right of judging how far the licentious ness of speech and of the press may be abridged without lessen