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Indulge a gleam of hope, but what is countenanced by our news from Europe. The news of Bonaparte's defeat has alarmed the dastardly hypocrites at Washington. They think it best to prepare for the expected event. But as yet, they will do nothing to commit themselves. They must first know the fate of the champion of seamen's rights"-the despot of France and the United States. His fate may not soon be decided, though every probability is against him. It will not answer them to send a minister directly to London. The treaty might be accomplished in a week. The negotiation, by Mr. Madison's determination is to take place in Sweden, a place inconvenient to both governments. Suffering as we are by every month's loss of time, and the effects of war, he will not send a plenipotentiary directly to Sweden. No; it may be considered an intention to accommodate, if he send first to Russia, recal the ministers already there, and send them to Sweden; and this will take up so much time, the condition of French power may be more decisively ascertained.

No answer to the question of peace can be given but this. If it prove that Bonaparte is absolutely ruined, our negotiations will go on rapidly. No difficulty will be found in the way. If he return to France, and there appear a possibility of his making a third effort which shall command the attention of England and her allies, our negotiation will be attended with embarrassments-new difficulties will arise-our ministers will have to send home for light-much expense will be incurred, and nothing definitive done. If it be possible that Bonaparte should rise from the blow, and again jeopardize the liberties of Europe, no matter what be the stage of our measures for accommodation-they will break off at once, and the war will go on; not for "sailors' rights and free trade," but for the perpetuation of Mr. Madison's dictatorship, and the humiliation of our country by both civil and military despotism.

MR. Madison's declaration to the Prince Regent, through his secretary Munroe, contains at least one flagrant untruth. We are. sorry that the occasion should require such a denunciation, but if our President will so foolishly commit his honour and his veracity, before the whole world, it is not just that all Americans either participate in the disgrace,or be supposed dupes of his imposition. He says, "whenever the United States may treat, they will treat with the sincere desire they have repeatedly manifested, of_terminating the present contest with Great Britain, on CONDITIONS of RECIPROCITY."

Now it is notorious to all who have examined, though probably unknown to a great portion of the American publick, that Great Britain has always acted upon the most perfect reciprocity, on the point, which is the cause of our present pitiful warfare against her; and has never intimated a desire to maintain for herself, what she did not concede to us. She insists upon her right to take those who are native subjects of Great Britain, from our merchant ships, if she wants them. She has not a statute or order in force, which does not allow us the same privilege, or rather right. The government of the United States have been called upon, again and again, but in vain, to show a single instance, wherein her practice had differed from the spirit of her laws. No instance could ever be produced. She always has acted on this correct principle-that she could give no more to an alien born individual, than was consistent with the prior rights of his native country. She wants her

own subjects, for the defence of the empire. | the revolution, (and she has nothing to com-
She is wiling we should have ours or if they pare to it) still she could not possibly repeat
escape from us, that we should take them in her former career. Her strong weapon was
our own or a common jurisdiction-the high hypocrisy-by this she, in a great measure,
seas. On this ground of complete reciprocity, neutralized the power of every nation, before
we stood during Washington's and Adams's she attempted to govern it. Her treachery is
administration. Mr. Madison claims the right now every where manifest in characters of
of shielding her sailors from her control, by blood, and millions who would once have re-
the cover of our flag, or a certificate of nat-ceived her protection with open arms, would
uralization, out of our jurisdiction. Ostensibly now cheerfully hazard life to resist her.
to maintain this exclusive claim on our part,
we have been plunged into a generally unex-
Communication.
pected, and distressing war, prostrating at
once the unparalleled prosperity of the United
States, at the enormous expense of two hun
dred millions of dollars!! and the certain
embarrassment of our circumstances, for
years to come, even if peace should soon be
effected. If reciprocity of claim and concession
had been regarded, we should have remained
as we were; with respect to England. It is
true, that as France did not choose we should
remain so, a war with her might have result-
ed from our maintaining our national independ-
ence. And what true-hearted American would
have cared? What great harm could she
have done us? We have sacrificed (at least
the Government has, for this is a distinction I
will ever maintain) our honour and our happi-
ness, for nothing but to give office and
emolument to thousands of democrats. By
resisting France in her pretensions to govern
us, we should have lost her trade and the trade
to Holland and Italy. Have we secured them
by a war with England? No-a war with
England produces every evil that could have
resulted from a war with France, and others be-
yond calculation, which she alone could inflict.

How far the Legislature of this state ought to suffer the discharge of their duty to their constituents, to be affected by the mere contingencies of battles, on the continent of Europe, is for them to judge. They are wise and patriotick; and, we trust, well aware of the high responsibility, which devolves on them, particularly at a time, when their fellow citizens are suffering, severely, under the evils of a foreign war, aggravated, beyond all anticipation, by domestick oppression.

It is very much to be regretted that one of our most respectable papers should persist in its hasty denunciation of Mr. Dashkoff. The slightest perusal of the official correspondence, on the subject of the Russian mediation, as communicated by Mr. Madison to congress, is sufficient to convince every impartial and reflecting reader, that Mr. Dashkoff, in making the offer, was duly and specially authorized to do so by his government. The very passage quoted to prove that he acted without instructions proves the contrary; for Lord Cathcart's expression in his letter of Sept. 13th to the Russian minister, that Great Britain had declined the mediation of Russia, for reasons already made known to his Imperial Majesty, shows that such offer must have existed, previously to that time; and must have been made, simultaneously, with that which was made to the American government, through Mr. Dashkoff. It is to be hoped therefore that full justice will be done to this gentleman, as no correct policy profits by the aid of misrepresentation.

GENERAL REGISTER.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JAN. 15, 1814.

EUROPEAN. By the arrival of a cartel, intelligence of the highest importance is received from Europe; that Bonaparte, after heavy losses in his retreat, several of his generals having been cut off and drowned at the passage of the Saalle, was finally overtaken by the Bavarians, compelled to cut his way We indulge a sincere hope that, early in through them, crossed the Rhine at Mentz, the session, we shall have further accounts with the wreck of his army; and even abanfrom Germany, which will render the pros-doned this last place so that the end of his pect of peace more certain.

How prosperous and happy we were before
France disclosed her ambition to govern Eu-
rope, all remember. We remember too, that
at this very time of America's highest pros-
perity, Great Britain, like all other maritime
nations, claimed and acted upon the principle
which we are now opposing by war. It will
be observed through all the conduct of our
last and present administrations, difficulties
with Great Britain, as they are improperly
called, rose, in proportion as French power
increased. But even with America, chained
to the imperial car, Europe revives and Gal-
lick despotism shrinks

Nova sævit in armis
Libertas, jactatque jugum.
"Recover'd LIBERTY now stalks in arms,
And shakes the galling yoke."
May the liberty of Europe bring peace to in
fatuated, degraded, self punished America.

BONAPARTE may die hard, but of this we feel the most perfect confidence, that the spell of French despotism is dissolved. The governments of Europe are improved the people are instructed. Had France the same physical force, which she had in the early stages of

career is fast approaching.

By the same arrival, the capture of the Scheldt fleet is also confirmed. Ten sail were taken, and two driven ashore: the intelligence was communicated to Plymouth by telegraph, and announced in the Truro paper.

The subject of restoring Holland to independence has occupied the attention of the British Parliament.

Pampeluna, the principal fortress on the north of Spain, had surrendered to the besieg ers before the 31st of October.

UNITED STATES AND GREAT BRITAIN. The despatches from the Prince Regent to the American government are now of ficially before the publick. The Prince declines negotiating through Russia; but proposes to treat directly with ministers from this country, either at London or Gottenburgh, on the basis of the established laws of nations, and principles of reciprocity. Mr. Madison has accepted the proposition, and chosen Got tenburgh.

WAR AT HOME. The British, in small parties, are advancing unopposed, in the western frontier of New York. The wretched inhabitants, left by our government without the

aid of men, arms, or ammunition are flying in consternation. On the western frontier, they threaten the army at French Mills, and another expedition to Plattsburgh. On the 4th inst. a small detachment from the latter place went on a secret expedition, fell upon one of their own piquet guards, one of whom they killed.

THE STATE LEGISLATURE met on Wednesday. On Thursday the Governour made his communication, bearing the strong features of dignity, firmness and patriotism, for which his publick services have long been distinguished.

Though it is not compatible with our plan of publication to insert publick documents, of any kind, we take an extract from his Excellency's speech, as deserving the serious attention of every citizen of the commonwealth, at a time when many have been disposed to think every individual bound to act with the government, reserving to themselves only the right of attempting, at elections, a change of rulers.

"When the Government of a Nation engages in a war that is unjust or unnecessary, the people are bound, notwithstanding, to submit to the laws which are enacted agreeable to the Constitution, and are justified in defending themselves against hostile invasion. If they do nothing more, the Government alone is an swerable for all the sufferings endured or inflicted. But though, at the first view, almost every man is shocked with the idea of war, as a violation of the obvious principles of humanity; yet there is danger, that, from the continuance of it, or from selfish considerations, a sense of justice and the influence of moral principles will be lost among the people. In the tumult of arms the passions of men are easily inflamed by artful misrepresentationsthey are apt to lose sight of the origin of a contest, and to forget, either in the triumph of a victory, or the mortification of defeat, that the whole weight of guilt and wretchedness occasioned by war, is chargeable upon that Government which unreasonably begins the conflict, and upon those of its subjects who voluntarily and without legal obligation, encourage and support it."

To correspondents.

"PHILOPATER" to the Confidant is received, but too late for this number-We have neither room for the communication, nor for the remarks, with which we wish to accompany it. We wish the favours of Correspondents as early in the week as convenient.

LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

THE deep and delightful interest, which the scholar enjoys, in the study of ancient literature, compared with what he feels from modern productions, has, by some, been considered affectation, by others a want of correct taste. Both of these look, in translations, for the charm, which produces such an effect, and in the coldness of their uninspired criticism, pronounce the scholar visionary.

nature and passion, that the compositions possessed of it must ever appear valuable to the discerning part of mankind."

pects delight us. To persons of refined imagination, few causes produce a stronger emotion than natural scenery in all its variety and contrasis. But the delight subsides as the landscape continues before us, until it becomes indifferent, or perhaps fatigues. We admire superlative execution in musick-but ere long, the performer, who first riveted attention, will find the company walking about the room, or grouped in parties.

But APPROBATION is a state of the mind, which can subsist unchanged. It is the dictate of our reason. If just, it does not weaken, but becomes confirmed, by contemplating its object.

But this is not the only charm. Time consecrates every thing that survives his destructive power; we look into Homer and Sophocles, with the same emotion that we look on the ruins of Grecian architecture. While we read, all the glory of Greece, the elegance of her arts, the wisdom of her sages, the magnificence of her publick institutions the splendour of her arms-the imperishable fame of her heroes and patriots, are all before us; and with these, the recollection that all is now silence and desolation, where was once the pride of civilized man. Which would most ex- In judging, however, of attachments, it must cite the sensibility of a cultivated mind—to con- be remembered that violent is a relative term; template the broken column of the temple of and lest mistrust unnecessarily destroy confiMinerva at Athens, or the capitol at Wash-dence, the general character of the individual ington! A model of that temple would give should be considered. We must form our us pleasure-so do translations, but not like conclusion, not so much from comparing perthe original. The Greek was sung at the sons one with another, as with themselves. It games, by Homer, where no English was ever is an elevated departure from the predominant heard. tone of the mind, that is to be esteemed fugiA love for the classicks leads us back tive, rather than any appearance of fervour. through the mazes of ancient history, and thus The approbation of the constitutionally ardent stimulates to the acquisition of useful knowl-mind may resemble the delight of the habituedge; while the enthusiasm, arising from ally phlegmatick. The latter cannot be perideas associated with these pursuits, tends to manent, but the former may last through life. expand the best affections of the heart.

IT has long been a question whether the merit of literary productions ought to be determined by the voice of the publick, or of professed criticks. The truth is, neither of them are to be considered a correct standard. In instances without number, writers have been definitively inscribed on the list of clasdecried, and whose just fame, they have, for a sicks, whom contemporaneous criticks have the caprice of the multitude, that what, at one time suspended. On the other hand, such is time, meets nothing but neglect or perhaps reprehension, will at another command applause. Voltaire relates a humorous anecdote of himself, which forcibly illustrates popular ca price. He wrote a tragedy, with great pains, and succeeded, very considerably to his own satisfaction. It was brought forward in Paris. It was hissed without mercy, and the indignant poet withdrew his manuscript, in despair of conquering censure so unequivocal. Some years afterwards, being in the country, he heard of a tragedy's being performed at Paris, "with unbounded applause," under his old title. On inquiry, he found it was the same ! An actor had retained a copy, unknown to the author, and having neither pride to gratify, nor character at stake, submitted it again, with the most complete success. It is now inserted in his works, and shares the lasting favour of the rest.

THAT "violent attachments cannot last long" is proverbial, and like most aphorisms of the kind, it has become proverbial, because it is supported by general experience and observation. The certain remission of fervid attachment results from its nature. It is emotion : It is true that the admiration, commanded and though it is not absolutely impossible that by the writers of Greece and by some of the the mind should be exercised, for a long time, Romans, is not perhaps due to compara- by a succession of emotions, it is unexceptiontive excellence in the sentiment commu- ably true, that the same cause produces a connicate, but in part to the manner, in which it is startly diminishing effect. This fact is not apconveyed. Hume has well described this ex-plicable solely to the affections-it ought not cellence. "On the origin of letters," says he, therefore to be humiliating to their object. 66 among the Grecks, the genius of poets and The sensibility both of the body and the mind orators, as might naturally be expected, was is universally governed by the same law; all distinguished by an amiable simplicity, which, causes of excitement, in continued or ofte rewhatever rudeness may sometimes attend it, is peated application, act less and less in both, so fitted to express the genuine movements of until, at last, the effect ceases. Some pros

!

VALERIUS MAXIMUS gives us a considerable list of reformed Rakes, who became men of superior worth. Young men are apt to be dazzled by such instances, and to indulge in their favourite irregularities, in the shallow belief, it would seem, that they are thus in the high road to distinction. They appear to forget that these are noted as remarkable occurrences; while the millions, who have imitated and even surpassed them in debauchery, finish their career, neglected by their contempora ries, and are never known, even for their infamy, to posterity. As honourable distinction arises from the virtuous, not the vicious part of the character, why not aspire, at once, to imitate the virtue ?

AMONG those who will hail the return of peace, literary gentlemen will be among the most eager. Unless occasionally at an auction of old books, it has for some time been impossible to purchase a classical work, in this town, except the ordinary editions of those used in schools. The war has indeed been a very unfortunate check upon that taste for literature, which was becoming almost a passion, and a truly laudable one, among young men, now just entering on the stage of active life.

LETTERS TO LEINWHA, Teacher of Morality in the Recesses of Latinguin, from a Wanderer in the West. [A few of the first of these letters have appeared, some time since, in one of the most respectable periodical works America has produced. Ill health induced the writer to leave his native country, in search of a more favourable climate; and in his ab. sence, he added considerably to the number. They were found among his papers (for the amiable au thor is no more) and handed to me for the Spectator. To present the series entire, in one publication, I shall first copy the introductory, then proceed with the original, numbers.]

LETTER (..

WHEN I call home to my heart the fields and the mountains, the groves and the vallies of Latinguin, the very shore on which we parted; there is something, thou friend of my bosom, which language can never express. Though separated by an ocean thousands of

leagues wide, I still wander with thee on the banks of the Odaas, or the delightful plains of Zelindaxa; I hear thy discourses on the influence of the planets, or thy more solemn eloquence for the loveliness of virtue. The scroll thou gavest me, when last we wept together, was the gift of a friend; I have read it with the eagerness of devotion: it is my morning meditation, and my evening solace Methinks, at every line in which thou deprecatest the folly of the world, I see thy finger lifted to enforce thy frown, and thy dark eyes penetrating the hearts of those about thee, as it were, with a beam of discovering mercy think not I can ever forget thy precepts, thy last injunction shall be religiously obeyed, when I write to thee concerning the manners and morals of this nation.

Though at present, the fickleness of this climate has scarcely suffered me to wander two days together, without being incumbered with the weighty garments in which the inhabitants of this country are obliged to infold themselves, I have much for thy perusal, Leinwha, son of Tsifo-vang. Verily it would disturb the gravity of thy countenance couldst thou behold the ludicrous appearance of this people contrasted with the physiognomy of our own. Here, the eye may weary itself in vain for the long heads, and double handed arms of Latinguin. Their stature is thrice taller than ours, their arms longer, and their heads nearly oval! On them, instead of feathers, nothing is to be seen but long minute filaments to which they give the name of "hair!" This in the younger classes (and I believe you will set them down for the wisest) is curtailed behind. But, in the elders, indulged to an unconscionable length and woulded with a silk stuff, tapering like the tail of a quadruped. On this hair (God of my forefathers) on this hair is sprinkled a white dust, administered with grease.

their orator from his holy eminence expound-
eth the volume of their belief, not a look, not a
smile escapes them; but with heads hung
over their close-covered bosoms they seem
lost in pensiveness. Unlike the virgins of oth-
er countries, no latent beauties are
through the unfaithful robe! No fair propor-
tion of the leg, no contour of the ankle are
discovered, but all is modesty, loveliness, and
innocence.

seen

The buds put forth, but blighted soon
They reach'd not May's enchanting noon.
The buds of hope too quickly shoot,
To keep due vigour at their root.

Then opening Youth ingenuous came,
With health, with transport, in its train;
But soon it fled, 'twas but a name,
Another name for pain:
Insidious beauty saw and smil'd,
Whilst falser friends my heart beguil'd;
Till where the gilded prospect shone,
wander'd, wretched, and alone.

And what of Manhood's sterner state?.
To me, no grateful change it brought;
No tales can memory relate,

But such as wound the thought :
Amidst the maze of life's turmoil,
Year after year, they saw me toil,
Victim of loss, disease, and grief,

The city of Shawmut and the chief province
of Latinguin, are not more different in appear
ance, than they are distant in situation. II
should tremble for thy invaluable life, my pre-
ceptor, amid the confusion of this metropolis.
The streets are irregular and unclean; in
none are to be found two houses alike, except
the place of their Philosopher; in this there
is a crescent, divided into sixteen mansions.
There are many houses appropriated to the
accommodation of the pilgrims; but for this a
pecuniary satisfaction is invariably required; In death alone, I hop'd relief.
hospitality, which with thee is a pleasurable
duty, must here be recompensed. The civili-
ty a stranger meets with will be proportioned
to his riches; and if destitute of these, though
he may have spent his substance in supporting
an aged parent, or in strengthening the walls
of his country; though he may be virtuous as
the children of Changti, or pious as those of
Tein-fo, he will be neglected and forgotten;
for here, talents and virtues are only rewarded
by the mouth of the tomb.

Money, money, is the great object of all; to
hoard up money, to accumulate wealth, I am
told, is the genius of this nation; they are in-
defatigable to get money. For this, their ora-
tory is made greatly instrumental. In the
grand street of their business orators are to be
seen daily elevated above their audience, and
as eloquent and zealous in the recommendation
of their goods, as our philosophers for the in-
culcation of virtue. They speak with rapid
fluency, and often tell their hearers they are
"going," to extort from them money, who are
always so benevolently disposed as to bid them
stay, by offering something more.

by men with long poles, who have a right to
suppose him a robber or incendiary !Fare-
well: I will write to thee again when I shall
have seen more of this people. May the spir-
it of peace rest upon thy dwelling!

POETRY.

SELECTED.

Nothing can be more fantastical than the dress of their adoption. The venerable stola of our ancestors is here unknown. Cloth, somewhat thicker than the pagnes, (for which they are indebted to the looms of Europe) butNot an illuminated clock is to be seen in toned close to the bodies of the men, with a this city; the benighted traveller is left to case of the same stuff on each side, make conjecture the flight of time, and if it should what they call a coat; beneath this is a short-have outrun his judgment, he may be seized er cloth generally of a varied dye. Their legs are encompassed with tubes of another manufacture, which in some I have observed extend only to the knee; beyond this are "kose," thou friend of my youth," hose" mingling as many colours as the sun-burnished clifts of Miscorvor. These are inserted into yet other tubes, made from the hide of some animal, and prepared for this purpose. They are black and varnished, covering the feet. These members with us are unworthy of attention; but here, they receive a most honourable education, and are taught by the hiokovan, or master, to move with incredible velocity. I have seen their publick damsels, who dance for money upon stages, turn their feet and legs into every known position, before I could express the shortest exclamation of my joy!-Yet on feet have these eyes beheld the pedax of my country, on no shoulders the robes of Latinguin. But their women, their women, my preceptor, are more beautiful than the sisters of Kobi, more comely than the virgins of the valley, and their modesty surpasseth their charms. Couldst thou but view them in the house of their God; couldst thou but behold them in the fervency of their devotion, while they veil their faces with the glittering openwork instrument called "fan," thou wouldst praise them with the language of love: As

no

THE SOLACE OF LIFE.

"Rari pollicitus data
"Equamus: et minor loquaci
"Religio solet esse vote.”

AS on his couch, with anguish pale,
The mourning Thyrsis was reclin'd;
A storm which rent the village vale,
Loud thunder'd in the wind :
And thus, he cried, have I been toss'd
And thus in stormy whirlwinds lost,
Thro' life's disturb'd and gloomy sea,
No friendly gales have favour'd me.

I hail'd the spring, when first it beam'd
On Childhood's careless hours,
For still it came, I fondly dream'd,

With fragrance and with flow'rs:

CASIMIR.

And now I sink beneath the load,
Which presses slow consuming age;
Unnumber'd pains incessant goad,
And thro' my vitals rage :
No tender relative is nigh,

To catch my last, my parting sigh;
I touch the margin of the grave,
What from despair my soul can save ?
Behold that cheering, temperate ray,
Which darts on one so sad its light.
It comes from empyrean day,

In sweet effulgence bright :
Now every dark'ning mist is gone,
Thyrsis no more complains alone,
But angels, bending from their skies
Unfold the gates of paradise.

RELIGION, heav'nly maid, appears,
With Hope's fair daughters in her train;
Dispelling from this vale of tears,

Each more tormenting pain!

She makes the seasons brighter bloom,
Takes from each stage of life its gloom;
And gives to man's desponding eye
The view of IMMORTALITY.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATO

LEIPSIC FAIR.

BONY hates trade, and well he may,
He makes bad bargains,-gets foul play.
He bought his Dresden ware too dear,
And lost his crown at Leipsic Fair.

-

HULL'S TRIAL.

Court.

HULL, you lost all our wigwams without fighting.

Hull.

What then?

I sav'd all your powder, provisions, and men.
Small saving, I own; but with these, for my neck,
I would not have ventur❜d one mile tow'rds Quebeck.
Here is Madison's order-d'ye think I would break it?

I obey'd-and advis'd the Canadians to take it.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR

JOHN PARK,

BY MUNROE & FRANCIS,

NO. 4 CORNHILL.

Subscribers may be supplied with the preceding

numbers.

DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR..

Reflections on the influence which France has had upon the councils of the United States. TURREAU'S LETTER.

THE refusal, within the last week, of the majority of Congress to suffer any investigation into the manner in which this famous letter was withdrawn from the department of state, has given a double interest to the subject, while it affords a new and dreadful proof of the secret influence of France. Let us simply review this transaction.

Great Britain sends a minister to this country with the most ample plenipotentiary powers. The French minister, alarmed, addresses to our government an insolent letter, beginning with these words: "The Federal Government is going to settle all its differences with Great Britain, and to make a treaty of amity and commerce with that power." He then proceeds to mingle threats with sarcasms, and intimates that there must be no "rapprochement" with Great Britain.

The French minister is requested to with draw this insolent note. He refuses. He is neither dismissed,nor required to explain. Mr. Jackson, the British envoy, arrives. In the course of discussion, he, in a very covered manner, insinuates that a fact was known to our government, the knowledge of which they disavowed. He was right in point of fact, and pointed out the evidence of his assertion.

He is not asked to withdraw his letter; but is instantly dismissed with circumstances of unusual asperity

When this dismissal is known, Turreau consents and is permitted to withdraw his letter secretly, and no notice is taken of the insult. Can a more shameful political act be even conceived of? As to any such act ever having been committed, History can furnish no parallel to it. Yet the facts are stated in Congress by a member-evidence offered to be given at the bar of the House-and an inquiry is stifled. Why? Because the facts could be proved, have been proved to the satisfaction of the publick, and an impeachment of the President must have followed the disclosure of of them. So long as it rests on the assertion of Mr. Hanson not under oath, so long the tools of France will deny the fact: An end would be put to the discussion by an investigation by the house.

But what have they done to get rid of it? Congress have called upon the President, the only culpable person, to lay before Congress such evidence as he may deem proper to communicate, relative to this letter.

port, in

Monroe will then prepare a which he will make many learne tinctions between "language official and language confidential;" will state that this letter never was on file, but was voluntarily withdrawn. In other words, "Jackson's was a British, and Turreau's a French insult," voila la difference ! !

It is now a fact, settled and ascertained, that Turreau's letter was an official oné, regularly addressed to the department of state, there

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 22, 1814.

received, translated, and kept on file as a publick document.

Those who know the dependence of French ministers on their sovereign, will not doubt that it was written, not as the National Intelligencer asserts, through the intemperance of the minister, but by direction of the Emperor.

That the people may judge whether it merits the attention bestowed upon it by the independent minority in Congress, we shall give them some extracts under different heads. First, its contemptuous expressions as to the people and government of the United States. Remarking on the haste, with which our government received the overtures of Great Britain, (a haste which no man but a French envoy ever perceived,) Mr. Turreau says, "If I have supposed that this haste was necessary to satisfy the wishes of a people of whom foresight is not the first virtue, others may see in it a precipitation perhaps dangerous, and if it does not wound (ne blessait pas) the dignity of the Executive, may produce consequences prejudicial to the true interests of the United States."

In this single sentence we have a sneer at the capacity and intelligence of our nation, a sarcasm on our executive, and an attempt to dictate to the United States the true policy which they ought to pursue.

Yet this letter was permitted to be withdrawn, and only served to hasten the dismissal of Mr. Jackson !!!

Again, under this. head: "The American Government has appealed to the rights of neurality, and until now have endeavoured, by proceedings which I shall not permit myself to give a name to, to draw near to Great Britain, while it injures France," &c. &c.

NO. IV.

Again: "I have thought it my duty to submit to the wisdom of your government the new chances, which the changes brought about in Europe offer to the commercial interests of the United States, and the inconveniencies which may result from their refusal to accede formally to the principles of the maritime confederation."

This letter was written in 1809, three years before our war. It proves, 1. The formation of a direct conspiracy to crush Great Britain, under the pretence of a maritime confederacy, at that period..

2. That the United States had done every thing but make a formal accession to this confederacy.

3. That the embargo, though an informal act, in the views of that "maritime confederation," was not sufficient to satisfy the Emperor, but that he threatened them with great inconveniencies, if they should refuse to join it formally.

These inconveniencies were, 1. The seizure. of our ships in France. 2. The imprisonment of our seamen. 3. The burning of all the American commerce found on the ocean.

These inconveniencies were accordingly inflicted. In vain did our President take the palpable hint, and dismiss Mr. Jackson.

This was not a "formal accession to the principles of the confederacy." The war was necessary effect the point. Serrurier's letters would show, that this measure was demanded, and his Bank account might very well explain the means by which this formal act of confederacy was produced. There are other points of Turreau's letter which may be worthy of future notice.

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There is also an intimation, of so base a THE government paper now blows cold conduct on the part of America, that a French again. The publick must not be too sanguine minister cannot find terms to express it. And that a peace can be effected with England. what was this conduct? Because our govern- Great loans are to be obtained, and great prement was too friendly to Britain, and too hos-parations are to be made for prosecuting the tile to France!! A singular charge, and proving that no condescension, short of a surrender of our territory, would be deemed a performance of our duty!!

The views bowever, entertained on this head, are more amply detailed under what we shall make our second class of charges. 2. The expectations which France nad of our entire submission.

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"My correspondence," says Turreau, "with your predecessor (this shows there are some terrible letters yet undiscovered) is enough to convince you, sir, that I have not left him ignorant of the dangers of the crisis of Europe, and its inevitable effects on the destinies of the United States. Positive information has enabled me to raise the veil, which yet covers the designs of the first powers of the political world."

That is to say, "I have disclosed to your predecessor the secret views of France, and the effects which those views will have on the destinies of the United States."

Such is the fair construction of that language; and it is little short of a declaration, that the Emperor had prepared to legislate for, and arrange the future fortunes of this country.

war !!

This shallow artifice is adopted by the ministry, evidently with a double design. In the first place, that the dreadful note of preparation may echo, across the Atlantick, and help the utterance of our ministers, at Gottenburgh. Great Britain, who has successfully arrayed herself in glorious armour in a war of defence against the nations of Europe, able to bring a million soldiers into the field to crush her, is to be frighted out of her claims, and into a treaty by the prospect of having to fight an Armstrong and Wilkinson, with fifteen or twenty thousand troops!! This is a manœuvre worthy of Mr. Jefferson: he must have suggested it.

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The second design of this check on publick hope is to blind the people, as to the real cause of this sudden change of conduct towards England. They vainly imagine, by such bungling legerdemain, that the trepidation which Russian thunder has produced, on the nerves of our President, will be concealed. That if a peace be made, it may be attributed to the attitude of our government, and not to their fears, which will be the truth..

But these vain attempts can have no other effect on the mind of the pub.ick, than to

THE nomination of Mr. Clay, as minister in the place of the alien who was insultingly sent by our President to Russia, is considered by many, as a proof that no views of peace are entertained by our cabinet.

and prosperity of the nation; and they must
retreat from the situation, in which they have

though the French funds are said to have ris en, from the prospect of peace.

Lord Wellington is before Bayonne with a formidable army.

Nothing of a distinct account, has yet arrived, from the northern borders of Italy.

The Emperour alleged as a motive to arouse his reluctant Senate, that France was invaded, both on the North and South and by our advices received yesterday, it appears that the allies had actually crossed the Rhine, in several places, between the 10th and 13th November. This step is not represented as taken for conquest, but security. As long as the Emperour threatens renewed hostilities,they will seek, and we trust, triumph over their foes.

The allies have formed a strong line, which completely cuts off Davoust, by last accounts near Hamburgh, from the possibility of a retreat to France. His surrender or destruction may be soon expected. It is said he evacuated Hamburgh, on the 9th November. Mr. Crawford, the American envoy, has been

heighten the indignation and ridicule,which now fall upon the administration. The time and circumstances of this pacifick mood leave no possi-placed themselves, as they can. Let it be rebility of misconstruction. Every effort to make membered forever, that WASHINGTON recogsomething new,out of the old British proposition, nized the claim, against which Mr. MADISON existing ever since difficulty has been pretend- prosecutes a war, oppressive by the enormous ed, is a proof that dismay is at the bottom of prodigality of expense, and fruitless, except in all this change in appearances. the defeat of all his military operations. The Bonaparte has a second time galloped back nation was happy in the enjoyment of its esto France, with whip and spur, baffled, defeat-sential rights, as secured by treaties, the fedeed, and all his projects ruined; and were even ral constitution and the first administration. "Copenhagen Jackson" now to visit Washing- Those who now rule, fomented discontent, by ton, he would undoubtedly be treated with as promises to acquire new concessions; a part of much civility (if Bonaparte is down) as he the community was deluded, placed them in powwas before, with insult. er, have seen the effects of their folly, and will now witness, with complacency, the down al of those by whom they have been so fatally deceived. We have never been of those, who conceive the policy, which has almost ruined the United States, to have resulted from an abstract love of France, in the party who opposed the administrations of Washington and Adams, and now govern the republick. The aggrandizement of that nation, at the expense of the lib-recognized as such, by the French government. erties of Europe, could neither benefit nor gratify them as citizens of the United States, But the contrary. The interest which swayed them, however, was of a stronger nature than any speculative, foreign partiality; it was their own; the prospect, their only prospect of personal consequence and emolument. As it happened, this bound them to France more A bill is before Congress for increasing the strongly, than could have been effected, by fa- bounty and wages of soldiers, with a view to vourable prejudices, secret compacts, treacheraise a large army. Appearances announce a rous correspondence, or bribery. This sub-prosecution of the war, with increased zeal. servience was convenient to France; her The Secretary of the Treasury, demands a strength and success, essential to them. They loan of about Thirty Millions of dollars, for grew bolder, as her power extended dissenthe year 1814, above the expected revenue tions have existed among them, since she was from all our taxes, new and old; and this too, checked, and with her defeat, they will fall, before the bill for a large increase of the army had passed.

We shall not pretend that Mr. Clay is a suitable man to represent the United States, or that one of our most boisterous swaggerers for war, is the most promising messenger of peace. But of this we are persuaded, that if it be found expedient to make peace, the most violent democrat will be as prompt an instrument as any other. The questions to be agitated are extremely simple. Shall we tinue war for rights, which no maritime nation admits, or not. Mr. Clay can read Bulletins as well as a better man, and, will therefore know when to sign and seal, or raise objections.

con

Mr. Troup's compliment to the Army. On the 13th instant, the House of Representatives in Congress resolved into a committee of the whole, on a "bill for filling the ranks of the army of the United States, and encouraging enlistments."

Mr. Troup, a distinguished was man and democrat, who had made the motion for this committee, thus described the poor fellows who are now perishing on the northern frontiers of New York.

"Every means ought to be employed to fill up the ranks, and it could only be done by an increase of bounty, as money was the grand stimulus to man. It appeared that when the bounty was forty dollars, they enlisted five, to one when it was sixteen, though the former enlistments were for five years and the latter for one. But the 40 dollars bounty was intended to operate upon a certain description of persons, such as the IDLE, DISSOLUTE and VAGRANT, such as were found in cities and DRAM SHOPS; that resource was now exhausted; and the enlistments were scarcely sufficient to supply the deficiency arising from ordinary causes. If by an increase of bounty and pay, they could operate upon the yeomanry of the country, or farmers' sons, the source would be inexhaustible."

Mr. Troup has probably had his information from the Secretary at War, who has been on a visit to these " idle, dissolute, vagrant, dramshop" heroes; but if a federalist had publickly made such a concession, he would be denounced as inviting the British to an attack.

WHAT is now become of " the cup of humiliation" which our noisy orators in Congress have so long represented as the only offer of Great Britain, to this country? Will our rulers drink it? Yes-to the very dregs; but thank Heaven, it is the humiliation of a corrupt administration-the disgrace of an unprincipled party, and not of the American people. Our rulers have created ideal insults, to justify their wanton sacrifice of the peace

DOMESTICK. Mr. Madison has nomina

ted Mr. Clay, Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Mr. Jonathan Russell, to proceed to Gottenburgh, to join Messrs. Adams and Bayard, in treating with Great Britain. It is the best school Mr. Clay could attend, to sober his mind, and cure his egregious follies.

Errour.-In the Latin motto, at the head of the Po

It is very possible Great Britain may be wil-
ling to modify her claims upon her seafaring
subjects, or rather the manner of securing etry, in our last, for pollicitus, read, pollicitis.
them. She will unquestionably relinquish the
practice of search and impressment, if she
can be assured they are not in our vessels. Any
effectual regulation on the part of our govern-
ment, to that purpose, would save her a very
troublesome and ungracious task; and would
advantages, which they have so largely shared
secure to American seamen exclusively all the
with foreign competitors.

LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS.

GENERAL REGISTER.

BOSTON, SATURDAY, JAN. 22, 1814.

EUROPEAN. Soon after crossing the Rhine with the remains of his army, Bonaparte returned to Paris, where he arrived on the 16th of November. The Senate was convened. They recommended to the Emperor to propose peace; the haughty despot declined, in a rage, and demanded a new levy of 300,000 conscripts. The Senate obeyed, and have ordered the draughts to be made from the old troops, which had been discharged from service, and new classes, anticipating the draughts contemplated by law, to the year 1816, inclusively!! The recruits had begun to march to the frontiers, in what numbers is not stated.

It is likewise rumoured that a proposition for peace has been made; that a congress was to be held at Manheim. That Caulincourt was appointed to represent France; Lord Aberdeen, Great Britain; Count Metternich, Austria; those from Prussia and Russia, unknown. This was reported at Bordeaux, on the 23d of November. We consider it premature ;

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

EVERY system, administered by man, is liable to be affected by the imperfection of his nature. No sage ever yet invented a plan of government, however unexceptionable in its principles, which, in its application, has not suffered from folly or wickedness. Nor is religion itself, though the gift of heaven, secure against abuse; for man, imperfect man, for whose use it is bestowed, and into whose hands it must therefore necessarily be entrusted, sooner or later, tinges it with his folly.

But every defect, introduced by human errour is capable of being remedied by human wisdom; and it is honourable and commendable to reform abuse, both in church and state.

The misfortune is, that the uninformed or the unprincipled, under the pretence of reforming errour, frequently become champions of innovation, even in long established and the most essential points, merely because their ambition is defeated in every other prospect of reaching distinction. Thus we often see self styled patriots parties for reformation in the best cons d and best administered governments; and upstarts, assailing generally received opinions in Religion, affecting to be wise men of the East, commissioned to sher! light on a benighted and deluded world.

Vanity is the spring of action with both these classes of impostors; a vanity that cannot be satisfied with the moderate share of reputation, which they find the world dispose ! to give them, while marching on, in the broad

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