tal impediments to a vigorous and salutary unanimity against France in the commencement of this perilous war. A false and exaggerated estimate of America, not absolutely amounting to admiration, but something too nearly approaching to it, disinclined us from believing a state of war with the United States possible, and from putting forth our whole strength against them at the moment when their determination to be at war with us, was practically ascertained. The naval war alone would not have disabused us of all our favourable delusion. They have fought on the element of England with British spirit; may we not add, in too great measure, perhaps, with the aid of British sinews? But on that element, let it be fairly acknowledged we have MUCH to commend in them, and we have STILL SOMETHING TO REDEEM. As conquerors by land, their success must have been an antidote to any thing but a most prurient desire of dominion. Their threats and their performances have followed each other in ludicrous contrast. The brave Canadians, true to their own character, and to the cause of their sovereign, have shewn that, even had they been left to their own resources, they would have been equal to repelling a much more formidable foe. But is it not to be lamented that all those pleasing illusions should be rudely dissipated through which America was viewed as another Arcadia inhabited by creatures of fairer than mortal mould? Will not this tend to exasperate the animosities of war? to defer the period of pacification? and to make a state of peace difficult to maintain? Not a jot. The Americans made war when it suited them: they will make peace when it suits them-AND us. To live with a friend as if he were one day to become an enemy, is the cold-blooded rule of a worldly suspiciousness; but to live with one who has been an unprovoked enemy as if he had never ceased to be a dear friend, would indeed be a piece of foolishness which no warmth of blood could excuse. Why not peace with America? But it must be to the terms of the treaty that we must look for our security against another Canadian war; trusting little, after past experience, to mawkish expressions of general philanthropy, or to fond theories of elective attraction; little to kindness, and nothing at all to kin." REMARKS. We have devoted a few columns to these extracts rather than to original speculations, persuaded that it is of importance that the American publick should know, distinctly, what effect, this war, and the manner in which it has been conducted, have produced upon popular opinion in England; and likewise, what is the probable disposition of politicians in that country, with regard to peace. We believe the writer gives a very fair representation of the favourable impressions formerly entertained by his countrymen towards America, and we have no doubt of his correctness in stating that those impressions have very much altered, since the war has shewn how much our com mercial consequence to them was overrated. There was a singularly strong delusion, on both sides of the Atlantick, as to the importance of our trade and friendship to Great Britain; the eyes of the English have been opened, by Mr. Madison's grand experiment, and in spite of national vanity, the true state of the case must be unfolding itself, pretty forcibly, to the senses of our visionary rulers. We sincerely regret the enormous price we pay for the national self knowledge we are acquiring; it will hang like a millstone about our necks, and leave debt entailed upon our chil son. dren-but an advantage will arise from it, no thanks to the war faction-it will forever guard the legislators of our country, whatever be their political character, against some very mistaken calculations, which have been in a great degree the basis of our national policy for many years. How grateful was every proposal of commercial restriction to a considerable portion of the American community-to the democrats, because the anticipated ruin, our trifling self denial would bring upon Great Britain, was their soul's desire-to some men, calling themselves federalists, because they felt what they considered a patriotick satisfaction, in contemplating the supposed proofs of our country's importance. We repeat it, this monstrous errour has originated, and obtained countenance for, many of the most pernicious measures of both Mr. Jefferson and MadiThe spell is dissolved-the stupidity of retiring" within our shell," to let Great Britain perish from the want of our commercial aid, is manifest; the system is universally scouted-its advocates are ashamed-and will scarcely own their lately boasted creed. This is certainly one step in our progress to perfectibility which will benefit future generations. We see, by these Extracts, the English are perfectly aware, that neither the Orders in Council, nor the impressment of their seamen, were the real causes of Mr. Madison's war. It is natural enough, that they should impute it to a lust for conquest-to the desire of extending the boundaries of the United States; for such an ambition is not an unfrequent cause of war, and the advantage of conquering British colonial territory has ever been urged by our war politicians, as one grand object to be secured-one that certainly would be ob. tained. But we do not think it uncharitable to presume, that in the publick measures of our democratick rulers, they never acted for the nation-the concerns of the commonwealth were but a kind of machinery, so managed by them as to promote their personal interest, and with no other view. It would indeed diminish that detestation we feel for their conduct, if we could attribute it to no worse a principle than an excess of patriotick ambition. But we cannot suppose these men only actuated by a desire to increase the power, the prosperity, or the happiness of the United States, or we must consider them as weak in intellect be yond conception; for every step they have taken has tended to degrade, weaken, and distress the nation. These effects have not resulted from one unhappy decision; in that case, it might have been imagined a mistakebut from a series of measures, pursued for years, proving destructive in their operationprogressively overwhelming the people in calamity, and yet persevered in, with a pertinacity, which was deaf to the most eloquent remonstrances, unanswerable arguments, and even demonstration itself. The war and all the miseries we suffer, of a publick nature, to confess the honest truth, grew out of our form of government. The fear of confessing it has only a tendency to prevent the virtuous part of the community from exertions to fortify where we are weak. We have no room to discuss this important subject at present; it has only been suggest ed, because we find English speculators do not yet well understand our case. If they would contemplate a community, where every office is directly or indirectly the gift of the multitude where there is a constant competition, before this umpire, between the virtuous and the profligate if they would observe what kind of materials compose the moral character of a majority of mankind, in all countries-they would then know that we must have profligate men among us-that those men will address themselves to the passions and prejudices of the uninformed-that by playing on those passions, they may gain consequence and power. If they will but look back to the honest prejudices of our own revolution, they will be at no loss to discover that a hatred of England was the passion which might be the most easily inflamed, and that as it grew, those would be preferred by whom it was most flattered. Such a train of observation and reflection would completely explain the political history of our country-the change of administration which took place in 1800 the whole system of hostile measures towards Great Britain, which followed, ending at last, inevitably in war. This has therefore not been produced by the "god-like fault" ambition-an ambition in our rulers to set up our's as a conquering nation-not from any violent hatred in Mr. Madison, and other leaders of his party, personally against Great Britain— nor from any cordial love of France-not against Orders in Council-not for " Free Trade and Sailors' rights"-but because cherishing such feelings as led to the war, and finally made it necessary, as a party measure, was the best possible means for those who now possess political power in the United States to obtain it. GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1 814. DOMESTICK. Admiral Cochran has ar rived off New London with ten or eleven sail of the line. His operations are already begun. Last Tuesday evening, Com. Hardy approached Stonington, with one 74 and 2 frigates, and demanded a surrender. This being refused, be commenced firing, and the bombardment continued on Wednesday. The neighbouring country was under arms, and mustering at the scene of action. It is supposed this is but a feint, and that the real object is to destroy our frigates, in the Thames. The first attack was repelled, but we learnt, last evening, the British were returning with 7 sail. Stonington is but 14 miles from New London. Our army remains at Fort Erie, and are said to be strongly posted. The British are but four miles distant. Commodore Chauncey sailed from Sacket's harbour August 1st. He commands 225 guns. Commodore Yeo, 207. News of a battle is daily expected. The lower part of Virginia is in the greatest consternation. The inhabitants are retir. ing into the country, with their negroes and furniture, leaving their estates at the quiet disposal of the enemy. LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. A COLD, speculating cosmopolite will say that we have no more reason to wish the emancipation of the Greeks from ignorance and despotism, than of any other portion of the human family, equally debased; and the zeal which the learned have always expressed on this subject, he would consider as arising merely from the association of ideas-from an attachment to the soil, country, and people, for the sake of what Greece was, in the days of her glory. Yet I think it not unreasonable to suppose the whole world would be benefitted, could the amor patriæ be so diffused among ure and delight which was formerly participa- language. Their statesmen would feel a pride in speaking the dialect of Solon and Lycurgus their orators would be stimulated by the fame of Isocrates and Demosthenes-their philosophers by the wisdom of Aristotle and Plato-their poets by the imperishable charms of Homer and Sophocles. We should again have valuable productions in a language which has ever been considered the most beautiful in the world. Russia once proffered freedom to this degraded people; but the plan was injudicious and proved wholly abortive. Greece cannot be restored to the list of nations, until she is civilized and enlightened. It is not by presenting a man with a musket, that he discovers his rank in the scale of being, or becomes tenacious of it-it is by raising him from ignorance by expanding and exalting his ideas. We are happy to find that an experiment is now making and with some prospect of success, with a view to introduce a knowledge of literature, of the arts and sciences, into that country which once gave them to the world. There has recently been established, at Bucharest a school, or rather a college, the advantages of which are expected to be gradually dif fused among its southern neighbours. It was instituted by a very extensive and respectable society, consisting of nobility, clergy, other lit erary men and the principal merchants of the two provinces of Moldavia and Wallachia. Among many other important objects of instruction are Mathematicks, Philosophy, History, Poeticks aad the ancient Greek, and four years ago, the students amounted to between three and four hundred. The spirit with which this institution is conducted, and which it is the object of the founders to diffuse among the pupils, will be best understood by what we may consider a "Commencement" address of the President. It was delivered in modern Greek, and we trust that it is not being too sanguine to indulge a hope that among the fruits of this establishment, the world at no distant period may witness the restoration of a nation, to whose ancient splendour mankind will be forever indebted. "Young Gentlemen, "The system which you now see established in the school is but a prelude to further proceedings. Of you nothing more is required than diligence, labour, submission to your masters, and good morals, whereby you may prove yourselves worthy disciples of philosophy. This hand, which now blesses your progress, will one day crown you with laurel. The muses have not forgotten their ancient abodes on the summits of Olympus and ParThither, after having traversed the whole of Europe, they will once more return. And if the students of Wallachia are able to keep pace with them, what eternal renown will they not acquire, what glory for Wallachia! You, indeed, may be called truly fortunate, who have to run this illustrious career to which your fathers were not summoned. Strive, therefore, to shew yourselves worthy of this heavenly gift, and of our patronage and labours. nassus. PATRIOTISM. To die for one's country has ever been considered the most glorious termination of human existence. But those who are willing to expose their lives in war should remember, that to die in battle is not always to die for one's country. Fame gives no permanent laurels to those who fall the mere instruments of an unprincipled faction-they perish, scarcely pitied, and are soon forgotten. THERE is a common saying in the world that "a great man's sons will most likely turn out blockheads," and yet the first impression is always favourable to the "well-born." Without imputing any thing to physical causes, it is indeed but natural to expect; that the youth, whose early intellect is formed by a parent of an exalted and rich understanding-who has the advantage of his instruction, his advice, his example, and good society, should himself be distinguished among those whom Providence seems to have less highly favoured. This, it is true, is frequently the case; but it is no less true, that the saying we have quoted, like most others of popular currency, has some foundation in experience. That the sons of great men do not always justify the reasonable expectations, which are naturally formed of them, is in a great measure the fault of the world; and as the world is not very tractable, nor much interested in correcting the errour, this evil must take its It is however the parent's duty, who has a deep interest at stake, and is invested with a high responsibility, to guard against the influence of the world, on the character of his offspring, who are particularly exposed by his course. own eminence. The young are prompt to discover what secures the favour of those around them, and on this, whatever it be, they will generally value themselves, or rely, the most. It is owing to this, that, among young ladies, personal beauty is so frequently unfavourable to the cultivation of intellect; and it is owing to this, that when the son of a great man finds that society receives him with partiality, and he knows it is because he is akin to excellence, he is apt to rest satisfied with what seems to satisfy the world, and is little disposed to labour for applause, when he finds it bestowed gratuitously. The parent, conscious of his own popularity, should early and constantly guard his child against this mistake, for it destroys that spirit of emulation, which is an essential stimulus to his exertion. Undervaluing the acquisition of knowledge, he will probably be first indolent, then dissipated. He still relies on his patrimonial stock of reputation, and for a time the world are indulgent both to his vices and stupidity-until at length he is ruined, and then they exclaim-strange, that the son of so great a man should prove so great a blockhead! THE WRITER, No. XIV. their due, and which every man of gallantry, and especially a bachelor, ought always to observe towards them. They intimate that there was a pledge given, and as long as it remains unredeemed, they have a right to think that, like all other new projectors, I have promised more than I meant to perform. I have been told by the editor that immediately after my first number, his list of subscribers was increased by the names of a great many young ladies under twenty; but that lately, some how or other, they have become impatient, and threaten to withdraw their pat ronage. As I was very much flattered by the first part of this information, so I am equally troubled and mortified to learn, that any of my fair readers-are about to give me up; and being extremely desirous to induce them to persevere, will very readily and cheerfully renew all my former obligations. I must at the same time, however, remind them of the fable of the father and his sons. They will remember that the old gentleman being upon his death bed, called his sons and told them, that there was a rich treasure concealed in his field; but did not point out the particular spot where it might be found. The sons set themselves to work, digging and turning up the soil, in hopes to find the treasure, and at last realized it in the cultivation of the field. I would observe upon this occasion, that although my young friends may not suddenly obtain the sought-for treasure, yet if they continue to visit this my little garden, which I have opened for their reception and amusement, they may occasionally pluck a flower to adorn their native charms; or which,transplanted to the fair and more fruitful field of their own minds, will flourish and produce the fruit of their highest hopes and desires. Or, to leave the metaphor, and talk in plainer terms. I am in hopes that by gleaning here and there a sentiment, imitating an example, or improving upon some idea or allusion, they will eventually obtain the reward held out to engage their pursuit, and which we suppose is equally desirable, within the time prescribed. Among a great number of letters which I have received upon this subject, some with inquiries and some with complaints, there is one from a young widow, who has worn her mourning, as she informs me, six months; but who it seems is ready upon any necessary occasion to leave them off; she therefore wishes to know, whether, if I was to publish any particular rules, it would be proper for her to observe them, whilst she continues her weeds. I might fill up a whole paper with these addresses, but as I am so much more given to compose than to transcribe, and think so much more of my own writing than of other people's, I shall lay them all aside, except two, which I will here give my readers entire; after requesting my fair correspondents to accept, as an answer to them, the observations already made in the foregoing part of this number. To the "Writer." SIR, AS I am a subscriber for the Boston Spectator, I have read all the papers of the Writer, and I will tell you plainly, sir, I have been rather disappointed. There was certainiy something flattering in the first number, I HAVE had intimations from several differ and though I did not understand it all, yet on "From you your country expects the im- ent quarters, of having raised hopes and ex the whole I thought it promised well; and I provement of its condition, to you your parents pectations, which I shall be called upon to ful- did expect that, after some of your professions look for consolation in their old By lafil. The female part of the community, I un- and declarations, you would have given us bour and industry alone you can prove your derstand, were pleased with certain promises more profitable amusement than what is congratitude both to your country and to your in my first number, but are somewhat disap-tained in your Shamuts, your dry dissertations parents. Oh may your country one day see pointed that I have said nothing upon the sub- on Time, or your advice to Christopher Cholyou crowned with laurel! May your parentsject since, nor paid them that attention and erick, gentleman. Now, sir, as I belong to a and your fellow-cuizens enjoy the same pleas- homage, which they very rationally think are reading party, consisting of very young ladies, age. Continued. JAMES assumed the "empire of the seas," and offended at the pretensions of the Dutch to maritime equality, fitted out in the year 1604, a squadron, in order to render his flag respected; the instructions to his commander, Sir William Monson, were to exact the salute to the flag, and to maintain the rights, which the English monarch claimed, particularly that of the herring fisheries. James however added nothing of consequence to the naval power of England during his whole reign, he built but nine vessels, the crews of which were from 150 to 300 men each... The unfortunate Charles endeavoured to all Dutch trading vessels, against which, the for in the following year she fitted out a fleet of seventy-one ships of the line, besides twentyone vessels under the command of Marechal Tourville. William. however, at his death, Cromwell framed the famous act of naviga- left his marine in a flourishing state. It contion, prohibiting all nations from importing insisted of 282 vessels. of which 130 were ships to England, in their bottoms, any commodity, of the line, from the first to the fourth rates which was not the growth or manufacture of inclusive; to arm these completely, 10,469 their own country. But the usurper, on ac- pieces of cannon were required, together with count of his war with Spain, was obliged to al- 61,119 seamen and marines. low the English merchants, as before, the use of Dutch bottoms. When Charles II. ascended the throne, not having the same necessity, he issued orders for immediately carrying the bill into effect. Charles II. not only augmented the number of his vessels, but endeavoured to render the English nobility to enter into it. He created sea service more respectable, by inducing the his brother, the Duke of York, lørd high admiral, and had one of his own sors entered as a common sailor, on board a ship of war. Finally to compensate the sea officers for the scantiness of their appointments, he granted them certain perquisites, and allotted them an increased share of prize-money. The tug of war was never more obstinate than in the engagements between Charles and the Dutch the highest gallantry was displayed on both sides, and fortune alternately smiled on both the combattants. In one of these engagements, when the English were defeated with considerable loss, chain-shot was used, for the first time a deadly invention, it was supposed of the pensionary De Witt. After various struggles, successful to one party, but always destructive to both, a treaty was concluded at Breda, by which the honours of the flag were once more ceded to the English. But the French monarch, Louis XIV. contemplated the ruin of the Dutch, and notwithstandcompensate for the negligence of his fathering the unpopularity of the measure in Enghe gave orders for the building of eighteen land, he found no great difficulty in prevailing ships, of which four were remarkable for their on Charles to assist in the completion of his large size, although the crews allotted to each mighty projects. War was renewed, but when did not exceed 250 men. The attempts, which the Orange party acquired their ascendancy, this monarch made upon the French coast, im- and the De Witts were massacred in the city pressed upon the government of France, whose of Amsterdam, the rivalship terminated benaval strength was at this period particularly tween the English and the Dutch: the latter reduced, the necessity of establishing a marine. had no longer any one to inspire them with Cardinal Richlieu, being appointed superinten-courage; they sued for peace, consenting in dant of sea affairs, soon perceived the full extent of the resources of his country, and the rank which she was entitled to hold among the maritime powers of Europe, by her natural advantages, her geographical situation, and the favourable situation of her ports. This great minister ordered timber to be collected from all parts of the kingdom, magazines to be formed, and vessels purchased; he had several ships built, among which was La Couronne, 120 feet keel and pierced for 72 guns. This vessel astonished the seamen of that day, who regarded it as the greatest effort of the art. The rivalry of the Dutch and English, under the usurpation of Cromwell, for the empire of the sea, produced perhaps, in both countries, some of the best admirals and the best sailors that the world ever saw. Who could have opposed Van Tromp, de Witt, and Ruyter, but Deane and Blake and Monk ? The death of Van Tromp, in his last engagement with Monk, broke the courage of the Dutch, and seemed to prostrate all their strength. They were totally defeated, and the peace which ensued was dictated in the loftiest terms by Cromwell, who stipulated that neither the Prince of Orange, nor any of his descendants should be invested with the dignity of the Stadtholderate. He also obtained, by a sort of tacit assent, the right of searching the most unqualified manner, that the honours From this time, the naval power of the To be concluded in our next. POETRY. Ir Love and Reason ne'er agree, And only for its object lives; FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. It is not mine, dear maid, to tell PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR JOHN PARK, BY MUNROE & FRANCIS, NO. 4 CORNHILL. B Price three dollars per annum, half in advance. Subscribers may be supplied with the preceding numbers. DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. POLITICAL. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. POLITICAL ORTHODOXY IN THE SOUTH. We have just received a letter from a worthy friend, who has long resided, and now resides, in the state of Georgia; it is principally political, and we take the liberty to insert a considerable extract, as a specimen of the views entertained by an intelligent southern 'federalist. Would to heaven our brethren in the Atlantick section of the south could al see thus they would no longer be the dupes of a western policy, which builds up the country beyond the mountains, in the same proportion that it ruins the old commercial part-the whole Atlantick coast. EXTRACT. that is had it possessed greater means to des- and the monstrous expense she has been ob- THE NAVY. In the discharge of what we conceive to be our duty to the publick, we have taken the liberty, in a very few instances, to question the propriety of some things which have taken place, in the conduct of some of our navy of ficers. There has indeed been much to approve-their bravery, their skill, and their discipline, have reflected honour on the country, and their success gives us good grounds to adhere to the old federal doctrine that a naval establishment may be of great national utility. We sincerely regretted the affair of the Little Belt, because we are confident that Come modore Rodgers acted in a manner, in which he was not justified by the laws of nations. To assumed helligerent rights in a sime of peace and we are equally confident, that had not the hostile disposition of our government towards Great Britain shielded him from responsibility, he would have been put upon his defence. The violent politicks of Captain Porter have led him, after a most gallant contest, to criminate with no little malignity, where there was no blame, and to turn the publick attention from the only quarter, where, if any where, we had been wronged. "Do any suppose that this war was declared from any motive of resentment towards Great Britain, or of love towards France? Not at all. The Jacobins long ago resolved on the destruction of the present form of government, to the end that, upon its ruin, they might rise into permanent power. The thing was to have been accomplished by adding, step by step, power, to the office of the President, until it should become unquestionable and absolute; and it was very well understood that the incumbent of that office, whoever he might be, would provide liberally and permanently for his adherents. But the commercial inte est, discerning and opposing their meas fecarded their progress, it was feared that even the inveterate numbness of the democrats' intellect would discover the plot, before the object was accomplished. Hence it was deemed necessary to destroy that interest-and hence the declaration of war-a war, not to chastise the British nation for any injustice or tyranny, exercised towards the people or government of the United States, but declared, by our rulers, to remove an impediment to their operations, as well as to create certain instruments (soldiers) to aid those operations, and all. to the final end of usurping absolute power, to tyrannise over the people of this country. The acts of the British, so seriously set forth in the declaration, as mighty causes of war, such as Orders in Council, Blockades, Search and Impressment, are things which the democrats were ever secretly glad to see; and had those acts, as to their injurious effect upon this nation, been any thing like what is pretended by the Jacobins-had they been of such a character as to ruin or materially to embarrass our merchants, we should never have heard of a declaration of war against Great Britain, by the present administration. It was because those acts were not of such a character that war was made; it was because there was no hope that the British would materially embarrass the commercial interests of this nation, that the administration took the work of ruin into their own hands, by a declaration of war, that is driven entirely from the ocean. trusting that an invasion of the enemy's colony That instead of defending our seaboard, the would bring down fire and sword upon our sea unfortunate states, in whose ports or rivers the board. It was declared, not against Great navy takes shelter, have been put to millions Britain, but against the commerce of the of expense, to defend our ships, instead of beUnited States; and had any other nation pos-ing defended by them. To what has all the sessed a greater navy than Great Britain; alarm to which Connecticut has been exposed, Such incidents however afford no solid reason for condemning the policy of creating, as our means may permit, a permanent respectable navy. The enemies of such an establishment will not avail themselves of such futile objections. They will resort to other arguments of a more plausible and powerful nature, as soon as the question of a navy is before the publick, resting on its own merits, and divested of that delusive and temporary support, which it derives from its being, at present, in some degree an instrument of offence against the English. The time will soon coine, when these men will say where is the use of your navy? We took and destroyed a few ships of war-we lost a few in our turn. The balance, if any, in our favour, would not maintain our navy, small as it is, a single week: while the expense bears heavy upon our national funds. They will say, and justly, it has not afforded the least protection to our commerce and that otherwise they would probably be perfectly tranquil. Such reasoning, we are persuaded, will be adopted by the democrats the enemies of a navy, as soon as this ill-fated war is over. We mean therefore to be in season, and meet these objections now. They are objections to this detestable and stupid war, but not to a naval establishment. No man was mad enough to suppose, that in this stage of our maritime strength we could cope with such a power as Great Britain. The federalists, the projectors of a navy, would not have plunged the country into an unnecessary and destructive war, to blast all their schemes of ultimate commercial protection. Had a contest with England become necessary, they would either have entirely suspended all naval armament, or have appropriated those incalculable treasures to the construction and equipment of ships of war, which have been squandered and wasted on armies worse than useless, for the invasion of Canada. It may perhaps flatter the vanity of the most ignorant in our country, to pretend that we can do something with six or seven frigates thousand British ships of war. We can indeed do something-we can keep our frigates, if they can ascend our rivers far enough to be protected by the muskets of our farmers. It is not however confessing too much to say, that the federalists in commencing a navy, did not expect to employ it against Great Britain, in its infant state, if ev er. We were friends-it was the interest of both to remain so. We never found her indisposed to terminate any occasional misunderstanding, by friendly negotiation. We had cnemies whose outrages we ought to have resented, and could have punished. Against these, federalists would have employed maritime force; the contest would have been honourable-it would have been successful, and the result would have been a rapid increase of the strength, respectability, and efficiency of the American navy. There can be no doubt but the prospect of this result was one principal reason, why those, who succeeded to the control of our national concerns, pursued a course so different: why they chose a war which should put an effectual end to an establishment, which they found it unpopular to oppose by argument. The naval power of the United States is dead, from this time, as long as our country is cursed with the present administration. But it will revive again-it will be cherished with caution, with zeal, and cordiality if ever feder alists are called to political power. MR. MADISON. WE have seen it intimated in several of our publick papers that it is time Mr. Madison should resign his office. Without any very strong partialities to this gentleman, we can sincerely say, we should GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 20, 1814. DOMESTICK. On the eighth instant, the President of the United States issued a proclamation, requiring Congress to assemble on the nineteenth of next month. Some suppose this measure is produced by an expectation that a treaty of peace may soon arrive. Others that the object is to establish a national bank, and to make new and extensive requisitions of money to prosecute the war with vigour. The violent language of the National Intelligencer and other ministerial papers seems to favour the latter conjecture; but for ourselves we doubt whether Mr. Madison has any object in view more definite, than to throw the responsibility of publick measures at this critical and alarming period, on the Legislature. The Scioto Gazette gives it as a report that the number of desertions from the American army, since the war began, amounts to 13,000!! We should imagine this exaggerated; but it is a fact, that a Col. Miller has recently advertised a reward for 89 deserters from one regiment, (the 17th.) Mr. Bayard has written to one of his friends in Delaware, from London, that he does not despair of peace, but that if the sentiments of the ministry correspond with those of the people, there is little hope of accommodation. A British official account has been received of the late battle near Niagara falls-General Drummond reports his loss at 84 killed, and 794 wounded, missing, and prisoners, and claims the victory. The attack on Stonington was mentioned in The position Miss Edgeworth would estabour last. It was preceded by a note from lish is, that Patronage has a pernicious tenCommodore Hardy, on the afternoon of the dency. It would be strange indeed, if a cus19th, giving warning to all unoffending inhab- tom which has always prevailed in refined soitants to remove in an hour. The attack, ciety, and has been countenanced by the vir however, was delayed three hours longer, but tuous, the wise, and the enlightened, should in commenced at 8, in the evening, and continu-fact deserve this censure. But we would not rely on the authority of precedent, in dissenting from the fair satirist; let us rather examine the nature of the thing. Interest is so universal a source of action, we need only inquire into its operation, both on patron and patronized, to know how they are likely to be affected, where it is exercised. First as to the patron. It is easy for an ingenious writer to describe a character, blest with the power of munificence, employing that power only to favour the vicious and the stupid. But the question is, whether this will most generally be the case. Supposing an individual has a valuable office to bestow, and has only to ascertain how he can bestow it to his own greatest advantage, (and this in a liberal sense will always govern) will he not seek such an object for his generosity, as will probably do honour to his choice, by his improvement of the favour? If a wealthy person be disposed to expend a few hundred pounds for the promo tion of literary merit, will he not prefer him whom he discovers to possess real talents rather than a blockhead? Miss Edgeworth is correct, in considering misplaced encouragement, as never ultimately efficient against the unbiassed verdict of the world. This is so true, no man of sense will waste his money, in a short combat with publick opinion, which he knows must eventually take the ascendant. So far as he is capable of judging properly, he will endeavour to place real merit in the sunshine, that it may reflect lustre upon himself. Even imperial Augustus brought a poor Mantuan bard to his court, because he disA letter from Buffalo, near Niagara, states covered in Virgil's genius, the means of imthat the British attacked Fort Erie last Sa-metalizing his own name. Augustus was acday morning, and a heavy cannonade was heard, until the evening, when the letter was closed. General Ripley remains at Fort Erie, with the army. We shall soon have important news. Forty buildings are partially injured-ten essentially so. Not a man was killed ashore and but five or six wounded. The town was strongly defended by a numerous body of militia, from the neighbouring country, and the inhabitants; who conducted with the bravery and perseverance of veterans. The British acknowledge two men killed and ten wounded. All again is tranquil. By the last accounts, we learn that the Canadians are exerting themselves to improve their roads leading towards Plattsburg. The object is but too evident. Commodore Chauncey continues cruising on lake Ontario. Several of Sir J. Yeo's ra, to convoy some transports. The rest had squadron had gone up the lake to fort Niagaretired to Kingston; except the ship Prince Regent, which is reported to have been run on shore. LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. we much doubt whether one in a hundred of tuated by no other principle than that which is common to his species. It is true, the power of affording encouragement is not unfrequently possessed and employed by those, who are too ignorant to use it with discretion. Is that an argument against Patronage? Because an open-hearted but visionary Croesus may build a town, where inhabitants cannot subsist a bridge where there is no travelling or found a College where there are no candidates for instruction, is the principle of publick munificence to be decried? But when we consider the effects of Patronage on those who enjoy its benefits, Miss Edgeworth's doctrine appears to us more glaringly absurd. Is not the hope of receiving it a powerful incentive to exertion? This will not be denied; but perhaps it may be said, the want of bread is more powerful. This is admitted-but whether has talent been most frequently rendered inert by liberality, or lost to the world, by the pressure of penury? We presume the true answer would be decidedly in our favour. "Full many a gem, of purest ray serene, The dark unfathom'd caves of ocean bear; Full many a flow'r is born to blush unseen And waste its sweetness on the desert air." If the undeserving are sometimes rewarded, he is nothing the worse whose genuine merit is overlooked. But the unjust award damps his ambition-and what would be the motive to that ambition were patronage wholly extinct? Miss Edgeworth would teach us all to reig solely on the disposition of the world to acknowledge the utility of our exertions. hopeful reliance this.-Milton was obliged to sell his immortal poem for fifteen pounds, |