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DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

FOR what purpose was the federal government established?

-provide

BOSTON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 15, 1814.

doning us? No-it will not be denied that our armies were sent to the northern frontier, where no enemy threatened; where there was no prospect of danger; not to defend the UniThe Preamble to the fedted States, but to pass their boundaries and eral constitution answers-"We the people make a conquest of Canada! The administraof the United States, in order to tion is not merely guilty of a partial distribution for the common defence, of its means of protection, by which Massado ordain and establish this constitution of the United States chusetts has been neglected in favour of some of America." This, therefore, was one of the other state. The crime is deeper the interessential objects of this political compact, and ests of the whole Union have been abandoned; a powerful foe is brought upon us, and our to provide for the common defence became one of the principal duties of the general gov-force employed, not to defend any part, exposresources are exhausted, and our physical

ernment, by the terms of the instrument which gave it existence.

Admit, for a moment, the position (which

however we shall ever strenuously maintain to be false) that this war was declared with a view to promote the general welfare," what were expected to be its incidental consequences, and how have they been obviated, by those, bound to provide for the common de

fence?

Mr. Munroe, the organ of the federal Executive answers, "It was anticipated soon af ter the commencement of the war [every man of common sense anticipated it before] that

while it lasted, every part of the Union, ESPECIALLY THE SEA BOARD, would be exposed to some degree of danger, greater or less, according to the spirit with which the war might be waged."

In this case, what was the duty of the general government? The constitution answers, in general terms, but Mr. Munroe, more explicitly" It was the duty of the government to make the best provision against that danger, which might be practicable, and it was proper that the provision should continue while the cause existed."

How has government discharged these obligations? The Executive was well aware, we find by his own confession, that the declaration of war would particularly expose the sea board to danger; and no state presents so extensive a seacoast, nor so great a temptation to destruction, as Massachusetts.

Our worthy Governour only states notorious facts, when he informs us, that "at different times, and for short periods, some of the troops of the United States had been stationed within this commonwealth ; but most of them were withdrawn for the purpose of aiding in the operations AGAINST CANADA !"

If there yet remain in Massachusetts an advocate of Mr. Madison's administration, by what ingenuity can he possibly avoid the inferences which plainly follow from these premises? Will he attempt to defend rulers, who expressly condemn themselves? Will he deny that government foresaw the danger to which war would expose us? Mr. Munroe declares, they did. Will he deny that govern

ment was bound to do its utmost to secure us against this danger? Mr. Munroe declares, it was. Will he deny that the physical force of government was withdrawn from the seacoast, and sent where it could give us no assistance? We appeal to every man's knowledge, that it was. Were our armies sent to a quarter of the Union where there was danger, so that there might be some apology for aban

ed to danger, but to make inroads upon a foreign territory.

We are not disposed to question the constitutionality of those acts, which have drained our country of its resources, and raised arwere vested in government; and if we had not mies for conquest. Such powers undoubtedly been left a defenceless prey to the enemy, we could have had no ground of complaint, but such as might appear to be founded on the injustice or impolicy of the war. But our security is the first and most important of all conof this object, though the acts by which it is siderations. Whatever is done to the sacrifice letter of the constitution, defeats the end of accomplished are strictly conformable to the government, destroys the very foundation on which the constitution was constructed, and leaves us worse. much worse than we should

have been in a state of nature.

The abominable tyranny of Bonaparte himof government, than the conduct of our adminself was more consistent with the first object istration. With the revenues, and the strength

of the nation over which he had the control,he left his empire,on a plan of conquest. But when France was invaded, he did not attempt to make war, out of her limits. He exerted his utmost to repel the invader. He failed, and let Mr. Madison remark the reason-because his ambition for conquest had aroused formidable enemies; and reduced his empire to weakness and poverty; his tyranny had rendered the success of the enemy desirable to his own people; their enemy actually became their friend, by enabling them to free came their friend, by enabling them to free themselves from intolerable slavery and the miseries of unnecessary war.

That if it be

In this deplorable situation, every man must be allowed to enjoy his opinion, as to the best course to be pursued. For ourselves we do not hesitate to say-a government capable of such abuses is a wretched one. possible to put on parchment any principles it should and must be done. We united, that we which will be sufficient to prevent such abuses, might have the strength of the whole to deevery part If that advantage is denied. us, the next maxim of good policy is; let strength take care of itself.

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NO. XLII.

this state, and the whole American republick. We are among those who have been trembling for the Union; indeed we have felt persuaded that its duration would be short, unless some alteration should take place, which should secure to the people of the United States the blessings they proposed to themselves when adopting the federal constitution. Individuals, affected by a distinct, selfish interest, may harrangue as long as they please, in favour of the present order of things; yet those,who are benefitted by the enormous abuses which have great mass of the community, who are sufferbeen practised, are so few, compared with the ing beyond calculation or endurance, we cannot but flatter ourselves if provisions are now brought forward, which shall prevent such abuses, that a majority of the people will hail them with sincere approbation. We trembled however men may be blinded and misled, they for the fate of our political Union, because, will not long remain quiet under a popular form of government, if they find that, instead of making them happy and prosperous, it arrests their favourite and necessary pursuits, robs them of their property, and exposes even tain as man revolts at the idea of misery, so life to peril. Sach is our situation, and so cerconvulsion, if the causes of discontent are not certain are we approaching a state of general removed. The political guardians of Massachusetts, have, at last, turned their attention to the proper object of their exertions. They appear disposed to consider the defects of the constitution. As to these may be imputed the trust they will persevere with integrity and whole train of our national sufferings, we firmness, until it be made competent to its original design, a lasting bond of national happiness.

The great danger is lest too many, unwilling to take the trouble of tracing our calamities to the fountain head, will be satisfied with a mere change of administration, an event which would undoubtedly produce peace, and many temporary advantages; but would afford no substantial prospect of permanent security. 'Put down these men, who have deceived and oppressed us,' say some, and we shall do well enough.' Undoubtedly, if, by putting them down, the race of corrupt demagogues were extirpated. But, if ever there was a time when Americans believed that a state of society could be found in this country, in which there would be no bad men, so sanguine a be lief must now be relinquished. Changing rulers will not change the materials of which society is composed. ciety is composed. We cannot expect ever to place better men in power, than graced our publick councils, when our political career began; with the same constitution, we cannot therefore expect a better result, than we have already experienced.

Let it be well observed, that, though all the publick suffering which preceded the war, and at length the war itself, were the fruits of a bad administration, the existence of such ar. administration was owing to the imperfection of our constitution. Its local bearings are unequal and unjust. It gives to one section of the country, whose interests are peculiar to itself, the power of controlling, oppressing, and

ruining another. But, what is yet worse, from its very nature and taking the whole together, its tendency, as it now stands, is, and ever will be, to give prejudice, ignorance, and vice, the ascendancy over those less diffused qualities, information and virtue. What consolation is

feel less sanguine, as to its immediate accom:
plishment..

GENERAL REGISTER.

don; after which the negotiator was renewed, and continued with activity. Mr. Dallas, secretary to Mr. Bayard, set out for the Texel, on the 21st to embark for America, (arrived in the corvette John Adams, at New York, last week.) Opinion, as to the result, is altogeth

subjects of conference have been disclosed. DOMESTICK. The Senate of the U. States, on the 6th inst. confirmed the nominaton of Alexander J. Dallas, as Secretary of the Treasury.

FOREIGN London papers contain accounts, received from Gottenburgh, that a defeated the Norwegians, and thus terminated Swedish army of 16,000 had entered Norway, the pretension of Prince Christian, to an inde-bile point, in West Florida, with what force is pendent government.

About the 16th ult. the British landed at Monot ascertained, and attacked a part of General Jackson's army, commanded by Major Lawrence, who repelled the enemy, with great loss, blew up one of their frigates of 36 guns, and sunk a brig.

it to us, if it be true, and it is true, that ex- BOSTON, SATURDAY, OCT. 15, 1814. er conjectural, for nothing relating to these treme distress and alarm silence men's passions, and exalt men of genuine, enlightened patriotism to power? As certainly as their wisdom tranquillizes the publick mind, so certainly they will become sacrifice to intrigue and corruption, which spring up and flourish the instant tranquillity is restored. We might bring a long train of arguments to prove that such is the nature of our political institutions; but to men of observation and reflection; the fact cannot but be too obvious, that, unless our constitution be improved, honourable, upright, well-informed men cannot be kept in power. Their reign will be limited to the duration of calamities, which unprincipled rulers produce, and to effect even this transient good, those calamities must be so overwhelming as to confound and terrify the mul

titude.

To remedy such evils, we confess, is no easy task; but if ever it can be done, it must be on such an occasion as the present. Those of us who are now on the stage of active life cannot expect to see again that national prosperity which we once have witnessed; our republick has so sunk under the ruinous measures of the last ten years, that, in the present age, it cannot recover. But our fathers laboured for us --shall we not do as much for our children? If we must leave them poor, with a legacy of taxes accumulated by the folly of our day, let us, if possible, leave them a government, which will secure them in the enjoyment of their rights, and cherish their own exertions.

GHENT NEGOTIATION.

SINCE Mr. Dallas has arrived from Ghent curiosity has been all alive to know what was the progress of negotiation. The contents of the official despatches brought by this gentleman are not made publick, but letters from some of our ministers afford no flattering prospect of a speedy peace. It is said the claims of the British are such as cannot be

tween Denmark and France, and a Danish
A treaty of amity has been concluded be-
minister has been recognized at Paris

in Europe, is the grand Congress, which was
The most important event now in prospect,

Oct. 7th. The Reet under Commodore to meet at Vienna, on the first of October. Ona the 10th of September, the Prince of Meter-Chauncey returned to Sackett's harbour. Sir nich, on the part of Austria, Count Nesselrode, James Yeo had not yet left Kingston. His Great Britain, and the Prince of Hardenburgh on the part of Russia, Lord Castlereagh, from large ship, mounting 102 guns, is ready for sea, except bending her sails. General Drumfrom Prussia, were to meet and fix the princi-mond is still at the head of the lake, and is said to be suffering severely for want of proples of the peace. The Emperour of Russia and King of Prussia will be on the spot, to ratvisions, particularly bread. Why then is not ify these bases. his whole army captured by our's at fort Erie ? Because the reports of reinforcements of militia which had gone over by thousands from New York, must have been untrue-because at the late sortie, our loss in killed and wounded was at least 500---and because, before that sortie, the garrison had suffered severely by the bombardment of the enemy.

Belgium is to be annexed to the states of
Holland, and the colonies in Guyana are to be

restored.

Charles IV. of Spain has published from
Rome, that the instrument, purporting to be
the abdication of his throne, was a forgery;
and that his claims to it will be supported by
the Pope and Louis XVIII.

the congress in Vienna.
The Pope will be represented by a Nuncio,

On the 9th of August the Princess of Wales,
whose concerns have so long been a subject of
discussion in England, arrived at Cuxhaven,
with a numerous suite, in the frigate Jason,
She intends to reside in future with her family
connexions in Germany.

Mr. Crawford, the American minister at the court of Louis XVIII. delivered his credentials on the 30th of June.

Preparations have begun in Lisbon for the reception of the Royal family, who are soon expected from South America.

Forty-eight tons of money, from Spanish America, belonging principally to merchants, have been deposited in the bank of England.

A boat belonging to Chauncey's ship Supe rior has captured 4 boats and their cargoes, of wine, brandy, crates, &c. bound to Kingston, worth 12,000 dollars.

The British naval force in the Chesapeake is now principally at anchor in Lynnhaven bay, just within cape Henry.

The late election in Maryland has terminated in great and encouraging changes, both in the state and congressional representation. It is supposed five federalists and four democrats are chosen for Congress; the present representatives are, 3 federal, and 6 democratick.

CONGRESS. The most important subject before Congress as yet, is the Budget, submitted by the Committee of Ways and Means. It is proposed in the first place, that the Direct

Tax of 1814 shall be increased one half for

1815---then Taxes and Excises are to be levied on spirits, sales at auction, postage, playing cards, lotteries, pleasure horses, snuff, tobacco, hats, cotton, yarn, woollen cloths, leather, iron, breweries, potteries, glass houses, paper mills, grist mills, shot mills, side boards, looking glasses, &c. watches, jewelry, white-top'd

admitted. It is very possible and indeed
most probable, that the British ministers have
A London ministerial paper says posi-
graduated instructions, and that they talk of tively, that "Great Britain does not demand
more than they are to insist upon; but it is any thing more now, of America, than she did
certain, that if they propose nothing but what two or three years since--that there is no
their government have a right to demand, truth in the reported views of new territorial
most of our ministers would pronounce their demarcations--of restrictions on the American
claims inadmissible. For our own part, we fisheries--naval equipments---jurisdiction on
fully believe that the instructions of our minis- the lakes, and trade to India. That Great Brit-boots, clocks, &c.
ters are yet so strongly tinctured with doc-ain will maintain two rights, which she holds
trines, purely Madisonian, that obstacles, on by the law of nations, and her conquests on
this score, rather than any other, will be the the ocean--the right to prevent neutral flags
means of delaying a peace. Does any man in protecting her enemy's property, on the high
this country know that Mr. Madison has aban- seas; and the right to search after and take
doned the ground on which he made, or has
continued the war? We presume not-and
if he has not, it is certain Great Britain will
not concede to him, more than she did to
Washington and Adams.

It will be a hard matter, with such a government as ours, for the people ever to know what Great Britain actually does demand. But if our ministers return without effecting peace,

we trust the TRUTH will be extorted from our cabinet, before the nation will ever consent to pledge itself in the struggle, for it will then assume a more serious aspect than ever.

We still indulge the hope and expectation that this negotiation will end in PEACE; but

her native-born traitorous runaways from neu-
tral merchantmen; and these principles she
is willing to make reciprocal."

Preparations for sending a large reinforce
ment to America, under Lord Hill, were near-
ly completed, but at the last dates, suspended

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STATE LEGISLATURE. The very important Resolves reported by a committee on a part of the Governour's message, have been fully debated in the Senate and passed. They

relate to defence and state funds---and to the appointment of delegates from the other New England states, on the means of obtaining a redress of publick grievances, and a revision of the federal Constitution.

It has been agreed in the Senate that Twelve delegates shall be chosen by the Legislature, on Tuesday next, to theet delegates from the New England states, in convention, at Hartford, on the 15th day of December next

The army, proposed to be raised by the state for its own defence, is to consist of 10,000 men to be organized and officered by the Governor.

For this and other state purposes, the Gorernour is authorized to borrow a sum, not exceeding one million of dollars.

LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS.

We expressed our determination, on issuing proposals for this paper, to preserve it entirely pure from every thing of a personal nature, reflecting on private character; in this purpose we have continued, and shall ever persevere. But though this design was plainly avowed, covert attempts have been made, more than once, to pervert our columns to the purposes of malignity; of such conduct, we shall now, once for all, freely give our opinion.

To take satisfaction in diminishing the happiness of our fellow-creatures, in increasing the numerous ills that " life is heir to" by unjustly or unnecessarily wounding either char-easiness; perhaps each of them acted a part acter or feeling, is a disposition incompatible in this drama of his sensibilities. I was very with the dictates of christianity; to effect such glad however that he got off without commitpurposes, under the shelter of concealment, is ing any great error in good breeding, for I not only immoral, but base. Covered attacks, am persuaded, that had he gone into the through a publick paper, are not only injurious room without me, and before any other gento the intended objects of them, but insulting lemen were there, he would have rememberto an honourable editor. Let them be candidly ed the fate of Acteon with trembling, and fled submitted and their bearings or allusions ex- away in confusion, supposing he had intruded plained, and then if he chooses to participate at an improper moment, and before the ladies in the ill nature or scurrility of his correspond- were prepared to receive male visitors. ents, he may publish-he is not abused; he is not made to commit unconsciously an ungenerous, ungentlemanly act, which he would de-a spise.

Editors of most periodical publications are subjected to this kind of impertinence. We have persons among us who would creep into respectable houses, unknown to the proprietor, throw stones at passengers, or spit upon them from the windows, from a cowardly intention to perpetrate their mischief with security, and to aggravate the wrong by the character of the quarter from which it proceeded.

We do not know but the strictures of "The Writer" in the number of to-day, may be appli cable to existing manners in some parts of our country; but we are rather of opinion that the foible which he condemns was banished from all genteel society, in this metropolis, some eight or ten years ago.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

THE WRITER, No. XXII.

look at them with stoical indifference, and ex-| sidered as a generous donation to the Fue
perience no other emotion at seeing bare arms Society.
and bare necks, or even naked backs and
shoulders, than fear, lest the dear creatures
would take cold, or that such delicate skin
might be marred by a scratch or a blister.
Such however is not the case with a man who
is not hardened against the attacks of beauty,
but for the first time sees so much of the "mys-
"This sports for many years been uni-
teries of love" unveiled before him. My friend Versal: scarce a county in England, but has
was evidently embarrassed, and I confess I its stated times and places for racing, in Spring
enjoyed a sort of roguish pleasure in watching and Autumn, at which most of the gentlemen
him, and endeavouring to search out, whether of the several counties respectively assemble.
his rustick sense of decency or a more tumul- Those who are fond of this diversion are ex-
tuous feeling was the real occasion of his un-tremely nice in the breed of their horses, and
in order to ml it. The nobility and gentry
have imported the horses of several countries
assemble at Newmarket, in September and
October annually, to partake of this amuse-
ment; and I may venture to say, that there is
not to be seen, in Europe, so many fine horses
together, as are met with on this occasion, in
the plains of Newmarket. Here the world
seems to be very much upon a level; men of
all degrees converse freely together, bet and
lay wagers without ceremony. It is not un-
common to ran for a thousand pounds at a
time, and the bets frequently amount to many
thousands. Here is a four-mile and a six-
mile course, on a level heath of excellent turf,
without hedge or tree to interrupt the sight,
the last half mile of the course only being a
gentle ascent. It is very entertaining to sec
how these fine creatures stretch up this little
hill, with a swift but regular motion, while
the whole field is laying wagers on one side or
the other, and endeavouring to get in, to see
the end of it; and they are often so extremely
well matched, that the prize is carried but by
the length of a horse, or perhaps by his head,
the judges who are to decide it being placed
at a proper station to take the nicest view."

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I have always been at a loss to account for this strange disposition to go naked, in such cold climate as ours, and have wondered bow a fashion should get up and prevail in the forty-third degree of North Latitude, which every one would suppose ought to be confined between the Tropicks. This objection however has respect only to the effects, which the fashion may have upon females themselves; but there is another that regards- the effect upon the other sex; which is, that it reveals too much, and leaves too little for curiosity to descry, or imagination to conjecture. We are always prone to magnify the value of hidden treasure; this may be a trite observation, but there is not a maxim in all the economy of young nature that is more constantly verified. Every beauty, which the vice of modesty conceals from the eye, wili be represented, by the busy pencil of fancy in more glowing co ours to the mind.

I remember before I travelled abroad, that I had formed a notion that all the female beauty in the Catholick countries of Europe was shut up in Cloisters, and that if ever I could obtain the privilege of seeing a Nun, I

FROM THE BALTIMORE
MATRIMONY.

THERE is something so sacred in the institution of marriage; it is so powerfully recommended and so strongly enfo.ced by the precepts of morality, as well as by the mandates of nature; and contributes so much to the good of society and the happiness of individuals, that the greatest reluctance accompanies the

I HAVE a friend in the country who lately should be rapt in the contemplation of superior observations I am about to make.

made me a visit, and whilst he was in town we were both invited to a party. There was a brilliant circle of ladies, and some of them as the manner now is, were not altogether so

well covered, as my friend was accustomed to see among the sober belles of the country. I presume he had gotten some ideas of the fashionable terms in dress, probably from the newspapers, or some of the London Magazines, for after he had recovered from a little crimson confusion, which so many naked charms very naturally occasion in a reserved

charms. But this delusion vanished as soon
as the nun appeared; and although I have
seen and conversed with many, I never saw
one that had any claim to beauty. A like
opinion prevails with respect to the Turkish
women; these are generally concealed from
the eye of men, and therefore our imagina
tions present them as beautiful. When I
was ast the Turks, I had the same curi-
osity as Spain; I thought every Turkish
woman must be a beauty; but the Nun and
the Turk equally disappointed my expecta-

I consider persons who have entered into this state, as reposing under the solemn shade of authority; and while they preserve a due regard to their own dignified station, as equally exempt from the glance of inquiry, and the of every law of decency and decorum, they frowns of censure. But when, in open violation proclaim to an insulted world, that they rise superiour to those customs, which the advocates of delicacy and refinement have deemed expedient to adopt; when they . . .

it

I was about to conclude this serious preamble,

and bashful mind, he observed to me, that tions. Its then concealment alone which has and was preparing to enter with warmth and

dress. I took no more notice of his remark at the time, than by a sort of silent assent, but when we were at home, I corrected the mistake, by letting him know that every person in the party was considered to be in fuil dress. He did not readily accede to this opinion, but scemed unwilling to dispute the point, as it would look like an ignorance of the fashionable world, which he did not choose, I suppose, to acknowledge. He observed however by way of justifying his mistake, that it could not be called a very full dress, which left nearly half the human body uncovered. I am so used to these appearances myself, that I can

given two classes of ladies such high
reputation for beauty. This might be improv-
ed in tesson for my fair countrywomen, not
that they should conceal themselves, but that
they should bring into the open field only
smiles and dimples, and keep their host of
other charms in reserve and in ambush.

Advertisement.

Found near the Mall a large piece of wood, supposed to have been dropped from a lady's bosom; as there is nothing curious in the workmanship about it, its principal value is in its solid contents; the owner may have it by applying at a wood-wharf near Wheeler's Point, and if not called for in 3 days, it will be con

upon its hinges, and exposed to my view the lovely, gay and sensible Adelaide. Perceiving

my employment, she extended the fairest hand in the world, and reached the unfinished sheet with such an inexpressible air of graceful frecdom, that it was impossible for any thing human to resist it. I suffered her to peruse it, and waited in agreeable suspense for a comment, in which I knew would be united the charms of good sense and good humour.

"I know," said she, seriously, "the intention of your essay, and the manner in which it will be executed. Excuse my freedom. You have been mortified by the conduct of sen

woman as he ought, will ask her hand, unless
he can support her with decency; and no
woman, who truly esteems a man, will consent
to be an incumbrance to him. What can be
more afflicting than the ineffectual struggles
of a man of refined and noble sentiments, to
support a woman of sensibility and worth, whom
he tenderly loves? Hence the broken hearts
of which we sometimes hear! and hence the
helpless families of dereliction and distress!
But let it be remembered that there is a wide
difference between exposing ourselves to the
highest bidder, and throwing ourselves into
the arms of a man whom our unkind generosity
would plunge into the extremes of misery and

married pair of your acquaintance, and intend
to expose their foibles to publick ridicule and
censure. You have been injudicious in your
choice of a subject to excrcise your talents.
The ablest writers have condescended to ex-
patiate on the reciprocal duties of husband and
wife, and to expose every possible folly, impro-
priety, or vice, in matrimonial conduct; they
have left little room for any future speculations
that are not dictated by passion, stupidity, or
ill-nature. I myself have met with instances
of matrimonial indiscretion that merited the
keenest stings of satire, and called aloud for
the pointed censure of the advocates of propri-
ety. My cheek has often been suffused with
the crimson blush of indignation at the weak-want.
ness of my own sex, and the baseness of yours.
But what could I do? Dare I express my feel-
ings?the wretches are abandoned, or stupid.
Should I publish my sentiments for the perusal
of future husbands and wives-they are al-
ready published, and will never be read by the
persons they ought to reform: The contem-
plation of this subject, therefore, I am forced to
conclude, is alike painful and useless. I turn
with pleasure from it, and preserve my good
humour, as well as spare my sensibility, by
suffering my imagination to disport itself amid
the visionary scenes of ideal purity and excel-
lence: I banish from my mind the disgusting
reality of matrimonial discord and strife, and
contemplate with delight an attachment, whose
warmth is corrected by purity of sentiment,and
whose pleasures are enhanced by elegance of
thought, which unite those whom the mandate
of heaven appropriates to mutual felicity.

"You," continued Adelaide more gaily, "have passed most of your time in the perusal of books that were written before the birth of Columbus. You know more of ancient,than of modern times. I dare say you have read the story of Penelope, all in Greek, and the history of Dido, in the original Latin. But the world is strangely altered since their days. For a lady to be industrious is now very vulgar to be in love is the height of imprudence; and to be constant would set the whole world a-laughing. In the United States, this last retreat of exiled simplicity and frugality, a ying lady, as soon as she enters her 'teens, is taught by her mother to think seriously of a husband. It is frequently and strongly inculcated, that he must have something handsome, sufficient to support her in indolence, keep a earriage, and decorate her for the Assembly and Theatre. She learns to read novels and write nonsense; to dance, if she is not born lame; to sing, if nature has given her a voice; and to charm, if heaven has endowed her with beauty: On the richness of her conquest, she is taught to believe her future happiness depends. Wealth in a suitor is beauty, talents, and worth. The tender mind is susceptible of any impression; and many a female, that might have participated and heightened the sweets of domestick felicity, is thus rendered lastingly and splendidly wretched. A marriage, conducted under such circumstances, is generally the commencement of a life of vexation and misery. And what reason have we to expect it should be otherwise? Who can be surprised that persons, who have no real attachment to each other, whose dispositions are dissimilar, whose souls are entirely uncongenial, should, when united, exhibit to the world the affecting picture of connubial folly and infelicity?

"I shoud not wish," continued Adelaide, "to defend those of my sex, who, in the common dialect, throw themselves away.

"Poverty is not only a terrible sound, but it is a distressing reality. No man, who loves a

"In justice to my own sex I must observe, that this substitution of avarice for attachment, ought not to be attributed to them. Early in their education, as I have observed, lessons of venality are instilled; and it often becomes necessary that they should be practised. firmly believe they are naturally much more disinterested in this respect than men. There are some, who,in spite of custom and education, yet remain so: May you be fortunate enough to meet with such a character, and make her as happy as she deserves to be."

My bark the tide of young desire,

O VENUS, to thy happy realm
Shall waft, fair Hope direct the helm,
Love's sighs the swelling sails inspire:
TO THEE, bright Offspring of the wave,
I'll many an amorous vow prefer:
From storms of hate thy mariner
And blast of chill indifference save!
So to thy pow'r I'll frame the votive lay,
And moor'd in LESBIA's arms confess thy sovʼreign

sway.

Amid ensanguin'd fields of War,
VALOUR, be thy Votary found;
Where crimson banners wave around
The martial clarion echoing far;
In vain gigantick Terror calls
His spectre shapes, a ghastly band :-
Nor Discord hurling high his brand,
Nor Danger's horrid front, appals;
Nor Death his unrelenting soul can tame,
Or from his grasp withhold the glorious meed of
Fame :

But let me wander far away

From the loud drum and neighing steed,
Thro' many a pansie-painted mead,
Where Isis' bright-hair'd Naiads stray;
High o'er my head a pendant bow'r
Let the broad elm and branching pine
With intermingling umbrage twine;
There Love's impassion'd song I'll pour,
And summon every wave that dances near,

Here Adelaide ceased. The interesting nature of her subject had imparted to her manner all the warmth and vivacity of declamation. As soon as she recollected the unusual length of her discourse, she blushed an apology, and glided away in an instant. Pleased with her observations, Í have endeavoured to perpetuate them; and, though divested of the Bridling his wanton speed, my LESBIA's praise to graces of her delivery, I flatter myself they will be deemed worthy of publication.

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LET all the sons of LUCRE pine-
For glittering heaps of golden ore,
To swell the accumulated store
Contemn the terrors of the mine ;-
Explore the caverns dark and drear
Mantled around with deadly dew;

CLEON.

Where congregated vapours blue,
Fir'd by the taper glimmering near,
Bid dire explosion the deep realms invade,
And earth-born light'nings gleam athwart th' infernal

shade.

PRIDE, on thy vesture's purple fold
Let the sky-tinctur'd sapphire blaze,
The emerald shed its milder rays,
And rubies blush in circling gold
Low as thy nod let suppliants bow,
And crested chiefs precedence yield
Thy hand the rod of empire, wield,

And wreaths of triumph grace thy brow.
A nobler aim let my ambition own,
Be Love my empire, LESBIA's heart my throne

Where into rage the wintry blast
Awakes old Ocean's torpid wave
Let COMMERCE urge her busy slave;
And elevate his trembling mast
Above the billowy precipice,
To meet the forked lightening's flash ;
Then down th' adventurous vessel dash,
Found'ring within the black abyss:

Or let his freight secure the surges sweep,
And of their prey defraud the monsters of the deep :

hear.

Where the pale lamp's waning eye,
At ev❜ning from some cloyster'd nook
Casts o'er the gloom a lingering look,
There let THE SAGE his labours ply;
And many a feat of champion hold,
And many a legendary rhyme,

Snatch from the sepulchre of Time ;
And frequent, as the night grows old,
At fear engender'd forms recoil aghast,
And hear unhallow'd ghosts wail in each hollow blest

Bot o'er my haunts with infinence bland
Let Ev'ning fling her welcome shade ;
Then mid the dance, O BEAUTEOUS MAID !
Let me thine unreluctant hand
Enraptur'd seize :-or let the Lyre,
Obedient to thy soft control,

Bind in harmonious chains my soul,

And ecstasy and bliss inspire;

While to the charmed ear in heav'nly strains, Enamour'd of thy touch, each trembling chord com

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DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES.

VOL. I.

POLITICAL.

FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR.

BRITISH PROPOSALS FOR PEACE. DOCUMENTS, from our ministers at Ghent, containing certain fundamental principles of a treaty of peace, have been submitted by the President to Congress, together with the substance of several conferences, relating to the nature and object of these principles. For the conferences we have not room; the claims stated by the British ministers, on their part, are as follows:

1. The right to take British seamen, on the ocean, from American merchant vessels.

2. A definite settlement of the boundary line of the Indian territory; to be permanent, so that it cannot be hereafter altered by purchase or otherwise. The proposed object of this, is to make the Indian territory a perpetual barrier between the two nations. The British ministers fix upon no line, as the boundary, but mention their willingness to adopt that which we ourselves settled with the Indians, in the treaty of Grenville in 1795.

3. A direct communication from the province of New Brunswick to Quebeck, to be secured by the cession to Great Britain of that portion of the District of Maine which would be excluded by such a direct line. In proposing this cession, they positively disclaim any views of an acquisition of territory, as such, but for the convenience of intercourse between their colonies.

4. That the western lakes, from lake Onta

rio to Superiour, inclusive, be used by us only for commercial purposes; leaving to them the sole military command of them, both by sea and land we to have neither forts on our side, nor vessels of war of any description on the lakes.

5. That although no attempt will be made to debar us from fishing on the banks of Newfoundland, as was formerly usual, yet that we are not to have the privilege of salting and curing on their shores without an equivalent.

In this sketch we have nearly_transcribed the abridgement given by Mr. Coleman, in the New York Evening Post, and believe it will be found a just representation of the several claims announced by the British minis

ters.

REMARKS.

We do not sit down to pen our sentiments on this subject, without a solemn sense of its importance; we realize that it more deeply concerns the American people, than any thing that has been discussed, since our existence as a nation. But in attempting to discharge our duty, we have the consolation to feel persuaded that the whole community, no less than ourselves, are aware of the momentous crisis to which we have arrived; and that therefore a general anxiety to ascertain what, of all things possible, is most expedient, will insure us the candour of every patriotick reader. We indulge the hope that even many men, who would once have been disposed to reply to any opinion we might advance, only by some vulgar epithet, will now, from the existing hazard of every thing dear to them,

BOSTON, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 22, 1814.

in common with other citizens of every class and denomination, rather feel a predisposition to read deliberately, judge liberally, and decide with an unbiassed regard to reason and the common welfare.

Gloom and dismay are universal; the evils of our present deplorable condition are felt by all, for, wherever we turn, they are present to of our increasing calamities have spread a our senses. But though the visible evidences general alarm, the full extent of our danger has been realized only by those who have observed the nature and progress of this war. Those who were blindly attached to the present administration, have seemed to imagine every event under the control of our rulers, so that, whenever it might please them, either from interest or inclination, to restore our tranquillity and prosperity, it might readily be effected. Others, certainly on more rational grounds, have seen the government of the United States involving this country in a contest, under such circumstances of aggravated provocation, that the greatest danger was, lest the enemy should not suffer us to extricate ourselves, but by sacrifices, which would be long and deeply felt by our nation.

It was impossible not to entertain such apprehensions; and before we turn our attention to the negotiation at Ghent, let us very briefly glance over a few of the ill-fated measures, which could not but excite expectations, in every reflecting mind, that the terms proposed by the British ministers would be humiliating

and severe.

Though it may be painful to look back to times of high prosperity, wantonly destroyed by those whom we chose as guardians of that prosperity, we ask our readers to recollect the very friendly understanding which subsisted between the United States and Great Britain, when Mr. Jefferson was made our President, and the excellent treaty which then promoted amity, and a mutually profitable commerce between the two nations. France had then made large strides towards that overwhelming power, which afterwards pervaded Europe, and endangered the liberty of every independent nation in the civilized worid. Great Britain had always stood forth, the champion of human freedom and her own, and, though with a prospect which to many appeared gloomy, was nobly encountering the great sacrifices which were necessary to oppose a barrier to French ambition. Engaged in so serious a struggle, and desirous to retain all the friends she had, she proposed to Mr. Jefferson to renew the treaty which was then about expiring. Mr. Jefferson would neither accede to this, nor commission ministers to form another. Some very favourable stipulations respecting boundaries were then effected by Mr. King, securing to us the possession of Moose Island, now a fresh subject of controversy; but these, Mr. Jefferson would not approve.

A length of time elapsed in this cold reserve on the part of our government, indicating but too plainly that unfriendly disposition which afterwards gave an unequivocal character to our publick measures. At last, a treaty was loudly demanded by the popular voice in America, and Mr. Jefferson sent Mr. Mun

NO. XLIII.

roe, a man whose hostility to England had induced him to pledge America to France, for which he was disgraced by Washingtonthis man, the most obnoxious in the Union, was sent to negotiate a treaty with the British Government. They received him, and with him and Mr. Pinckney, a treaty was completed, which they averred was consistent with their instructions. It was spurned by Mr. Jefferson, and not even laid before the Senate. Our ministers returned, and the two nations were left with no law to regulate their commercial intercourse, but the vague law of nations. Collisions succeeded. Mr. Rose was sent to attempt accommodation. By a fastidious quibble,respecting the extent of his powers, our cabinet refused to treat. Mr. Erskine was next empowered as minister plenipotentiary. With him a treaty was constructed, but it was transmitted to the British sovereign, accompanied by an insult so gross, that, as his subsequent minister declared, this prevented its ratification; and this insult was penned by Mr. Madison, who had succeeded to the Presidency. Mr. Jackson was then commissioned with ample powers to settle all disputes. The outrageous manner in which he was treated, and dismissed, is fresh in every one's mind.

France was yet rising in her tremendous power, and nation after nation had fallen under her yoke. England had been assailed by the destruction of her commerce, wherever French ingence prevailed; direct threats against her national existence had been boldly uttered by the Gallick tyrant, and actual preparation for invasion had, more than once, been in considerable forwardness. During this state of her struggle, and when she had scarce-ly the name of an ally on the continent, our government began its system of commercial warfare against her, which its advocates affirmed would strike a blow at her vital interests. We shall not here recapitulate the long series of hostile restrictions which followed, so distressing to us, and so provoking to a nation which had so earnestly sought to secure our friendship. From year to year they rose in character, as the danger of England increased, by the sweeping successes of her deadly enemy, and as party rage could be excited by our rulers, to support and encourage their ruinous career. When every effort of commercial hostility was exhausted, and party virulence was wrought up to frenzy; when it was stupidly thought, that Great Britain, if not doomed to fall, could not return our blows, nor even defend her colonies, a wicked, unjust, exasperating war was declared! and con-ducted in a manner perfectly consonant with the unprincipled and disgraceful views with which it was first waged.

But the Almighty disposer of human events now raised his arm of vengeance, in the cause of suffering humanity. The legions of the French despot, which had been spread over Europe, fell as by a destroying angel, and the allied powers, who had so long witnessed the triumphs of their inveterate foe, joined hearts and hands in Paris; gave Europe peace; and liberated Great Britain from the tremendous conflict, which she had supported through the darkest gloon to a glorious termination.

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