DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. POLITICAL. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. If we examine the political history of our country, we shall probably find good reason to believe that the triumphs of democracy have not been owing entirely to the address of its advocates, but, in a great measure, to that homage, which virtue too often pays to vice, and wisdom to folly. If we go back to the commencement of Mr. Jefferson's administration, and follow the train of measures up to the present time, we shall discover, that when any wicked or impolitick measure was first announced, it has been treated with a singular degree of delicacy; the opposition have never availed themselves of half the strength of their cause, in the season of debate, and have seldom taken their best ground, until months or perhaps years, after government had acted on the subject. When Mr. Jefferson began his system of commercial restrictions, all directly or indirectly aimed against Great Britain, scarcely a federalist in Congress thought it safe to begin an argument against those measures, without first making a sacrifice to the imposture of the day, by admitting, that both nations had committed outrages against us, only asserting that those of France were the greatest, and ought first to be resented. A year or two after our gove ment had so conducted towards England, as in fact to have given her just grounds of declaring us her enemy, we find it the universal language of federalists, that she had omitted no effort to retain and secure our friendship. When the right of impressment was before Congress, we find the ground taken by the federalists was, that the evil was not so extensive as it was represented-and that some arrangement might be made, which would be satisfactory, without proceeding to hostilities. Now, the right of both nations and every nation to command the services of their subjects or citizens, at home, or within a common jurisdiction is boldly asserted! When the intentions of the dominant party were avowedly fixed on war, they were opposed principally on the ground of inexpedience, and our want of preparation. A year or two after war is waged, and when the distress it has produced has made every day-labourer a better politician than Mr. Madison, we find every federal newspaper, speech, and state paper honestly denouncing the war as unjust and wicked, as well as inexpedient. It is not for us to say, that a different course would have been more successful; and that, if errour had been boldly confronted on its first appearance, by those correct views, which prevail when it is too late, the enemies of our country would have shrunk from their purposes; but we must confess, it appears to us that the experiment of temporizing with falsehood and folly has been tried long enough, and that it is full time to see what would be the effect of advancing the honest truth, with out concession or qualification, whenever an important subject is in agitation. Are we not pursuing the old course, with respect to the negotiations at Ghent ? Six BOSTON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 1814. months from this time, will any man say, that selves. NO. XLVII. ? we aimed a blow, which its sanguine but mistaken authors presumed would prostrate her power, and leave her at the mercy of merciless France. It leased Providence to defeat the nefarious deign; but, in the crisis of her contest, she was obliged to detach armies to protect her foreign territories, and fleets to guard against depredations on her commerce. To say nothing of the views of our rulers against her national existence, what right had we to tax her with these extraordinary expenses If she had said, you must indemnify me for the injury I have sustained, by what principle The writer of these remarks does not pro- of equity could she have been accused of innounce a verdict on the claims of Great Bri- justice? The law of nations is directly against tain, from his own private opinion. From the us, and, so explicitly defined in familiar authorlanguage of the whole body of federalists, heities, we must confess ourselves astonished cannot but admit that they are moderate; and that every American, who condemns the war he feels secure in concluding that this enlight- from principle, did not congratulate governened and upright portion of the community ment and our country, when the despatches will eventually be found consistent with them- arrived from Ghent, on the favourable terms, on which peace might have been obtained. The British ministers, when proposing to Do we prefer the decision of the law? Then treat on conditions of peace, after their nation here it is" He, who does an injury, is bound was assailed by a most aggravating, insulting" to repair the damage, or to make a just satwar, bring nothing under heaven to view, but "isfaction, if the evil be not irreparable, and the future security of their colonies, and such " even to penalty, if penalty be necessary by circumstances of accommodation, as might be "way of example, for the safety of the party proposed between governments in perfect ami"offended, and also for that of human society. ty. Now we would ask those, who maintain, in "This is the case of a prince, who is the authe face of our rulers and before the world, thor of unjust war. He is to restore that this war was declared from the basest of whateve. Bu has taken, send back the prismotives; that its pretexts were either hypo-oners at his own expense; he is to make critical or unfounded, whether they are not sincere in these declarations? We believe them both sincere and just. Then we would inquire, whether the principles of equity are not the same, when applied to nations as to individuals? Between man and man, the justice of every country decides, that the litigant," who brings his action in a bad cause, repairs the damages he has occasioned, and pays the costs of court. No man is allowed to molest or vex an unoffending person with impunity. We attacked Great Britain; we appealed to It is unnecessary to multiply quotations; arms, the ultima ratio regum. She has lost any man of common understanding may know both treasure and blood in defending herself what national laws would decide, by asking against a wanton, malignant foe. Will a na- himself candidly, what is the dictate of simple tion capable of doing herself justice be sub-equity and common sense; by putting himself jected to such sacrifices, and consent to renew in the place of one nation, and considering his. peace and friendship, without indemnification? neighbour as representing another. GREAT BRITAIN DOES. She overlooks the wrongs our government have done her, though perpetrated, (as those allege whom we are addressing) under the most provoking circumstances-she forgets or forgives the slaughter of her subjects-she says nothing of the millions we have compelled her to expend by our war of aggression. Her ministers are instructed to say-" as a proof of our sincere desire to be friends, we pass over the origin and history of this contest in silence. But it has shewn us where we are weak; as a condition of peace, therefore, we must guard, in some degree, against the facility of injuring us in future, through our exposed colonies." If such language can be called high-toned or extravagant, we should be glad to know what terms those, who pronounce this war unnecessary and iniquitous on our part, think England ought to offer. In the long protracted struggle between her and the despot of Europe, compensation to the enemy for the injury and losses he brought upon him; to relieve "destitute families, and, was it possible, to "repair the loss of a father, a son, or a hus"band." Vat. Book III. ch. 11. "The enemy ought, strictly speaking, to put an end to the war, as soon as he has ob"tained, or can obtain, the satisfaction de"manded, a compensation for the expenses of "the war, and security for the future." Martens, Book VIII. ch. 7. The British government, we repeat it, have manifested a disposition to close this war, on terms which were highly favourable; and had our ministers sought a friendly adjustment, there can be no doubt but that the event would have been such, as would have rejoiced every real friend to this country. England has entered her caveat against our recurring to the propositions she now makes, in case a peace is not effected. Let us not be forever blind, and rash and headstrong to our own destruction. This caveat deserves our solemn consideration. It is no trick; it is the honourable frankness of an ingenuous, determined spirit; and we feel no doubt in predicting that if our ministers now return without a treaty of peace, and another summer's campaign succeeds, we shall never see such terms again! Is this warning offensive? We entreat our fellow-citizens to examine and weigh its pro bability. We have no desire, but to see our common country extricated from the miserable situation, in which it has been involved by an infamous cabal, on the best possible conditions. But believing this a war without cause; waged against a nation able to defend herself and distress us; and that the propositions she offered were favourable to negotiation, we see nothing to hope from protracted warfare, but much to fear. EW-ENGLAND'S PLEA. THE Madisonians of the south ccuse NewEngland of a factious, rebellious disposition; of a desire to dictate to the general government. This is not true ; and, as we must go on in those purposes which are made the occasion of the accusation, and shall undoubtedly succeed in them, it is bad policy to insist on a construction of our conduct which unnecessarily subjects our tyrants, whom we cannot obey, to humiliation. We cannot support a war, on our own account, and a monstrously expensive government, whose concerns are foreign to us. As to the requisitions of our rulers, our will is of no consequence, since we have not the power to comply. Mr. Madison may expect, by the physical force he now has, to extort from us those taxes he and his party are preparing; and with those taxes to increase his armies to enforce future levies. He may rely on his divinities, AUTHORITY and PowERbut, as the inhabitants of Andros replied to Themistocles demanding impracticable levies, we have likewise two potent divinities on our side, POVERTY and IMPOSSIBILITY. Does any ministerial satellite inquire, how then will New England maintain her high tone, with respect to the general government, if her plea for demurring at its demands are poverty and weakness ? Let them know, that the deliberate capture of Washington, the seat of the throne, the centre of our oppressors power, by two thousand British soldiers, calms all our apprehensions but from abroad. This taught us we had nothing to hope from our government, and as little to fear. JUDGE OF A CAUSE BY ITS ADVOCATES. THE administration are now certainly strong. Mellish, a scotch traveller, who, for a few years past, has been strolling through the United States soliciting subscriptions for a book, written, or rather compiled by him, describing to us our own country, this Caledonian "geographer and map-seller" has published a map of most wonderful properties. It shews the boundary line, which we settled with the Indians in 1795, and "so well defined, that it may be viewed at a glance!" Besides, this map is accompanied with learned remarks on the British sine qua non: an assay of the utmost importance to us wild Americans, who, unless instructed by some foreigner, might be in danger of giving up the very soil under our feet, without knowing what we were about. | quer that land from the Indians, that this Mr. Mellish may paint his Grenville treaty | that they might attempt to play Mr. Madison's NEW-ENGLAND CONVENTION. From the (Georgetown) Federal Republican. "OUR readers have seen the list of Delegates from Massachusetts. We now add that from Connecticut. These men are well known to the American people. The old patriots of the revolution will recognize names which were found in the front of those conflicts, civil and military, which ended in our Independence. In the journals of our Convention, and of the confederation, and in the histories of those days, many of these names hold a distinguished place Under our present Constitution in those bright periods, when guided by Washington our country rose to prosperity, honor and power, these were the men in whom he confided and who were the patrons of his policy. To all the mad projects of Jefferson and Madison, to embargoes, loans, taxes, conscriptions and French alliances they have opposed the front of patriots and of federalists.-If Rhode Island, New Hampshire and Vermont, follow the example of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and select Delegates from the best, the wisest, the most virtuous of their patriots, what an assemblage of talents, patriotism, wisdom and virtue will Hartford present in December. In such hands the rights and liberties, the security and prosperity of New-England are safe.-Nor have we any fear that any thing will be projected, or effected, which, however it may thwart the ambitious purposes Some of them wish us to join heart and of Virginia and the West, however it may hand in this war-For what? Why, forsooth, palsy the arm, which seems resolved on forced to get Madison and his party out of power. loans and conscriptions, will not redound to Now we, federal yankees, wish peace, com-the permanent good of the Union.” merce, prosperity. We wish to see the government of the United States freed from the disgrace and criminality of waging war, in a BAD CAUSE; and from the embarrassment which must attend the prosecution of a contest, to which the resources of the nation are not, and cannot be made adequate. We should be much gratified to see the political creed of a southern federalist, of the present day; for in truth we cannot ascertain what it is. These gentlemen (for gentlemen | they are) seem to be as much averse to the men now in power, as the warmest federalists in New-England; but, of their political views, we can form no satisfactory " notion." If a mere struggle for office is the question, between parties at the south, it is not so here. It is to us of very little consequence, who fill the departments of government; who constitute the dominant party in Congress, if we are to have war, taxes, and a suspension of all commerce. If it be an object to be led on to ruin by those whom we personally esteem, rather than by those we despise, it is a refinement in politicks which we, phlegmatick sons of the north, cannot comprehend. [We are happy to see such confidence expressed by the federalists of the south, for we believe it is far from misplaced. The distressed inhabitants of this section of the Union aspire to nothing but the enjoyment of those blessings, which it was their hope to secure, by the adoption of the federal constitution. They had a right to expect the fostering smiles and protection of government; not the hostility of an inveterate enemy, a tyranny tenfold worse than we ever suffered under British jurisdiction. It will be for the eventual interest of the whole Union that the northern states should be restored to prosperity, and to their original importance, as members of the federal compact. We sincerely believe that no more is anticipated; and as confidently trust, that the wisdom and energy of our political fathers will not now relax, until these essential objects are attained.] GENERAL REGISTER. We have no personal pique against Mr. Madison: We believe he and the leaders of his party are not deficient in intellect; but that their selfishness triumphs over their patriotism-that they are men without principle, and have wilfully sacrificed the happiness of their country, for their own aggrandisement. We wish a change of men, only because we BOSTON, SATURDAY, NOV. 19, 1814. wish a change of measures. We do not believe the fate of our country depends on the particular letters which compose the President's name. As it happens, we have no need of Mr. Mellish's aid, in this quarter. The large map of the United States, published in this town in 1806, by John Sullivan, corrected by Osgood Carleton, has this same boundary line, distinctly defined. And "The American Citi- "WE want Peace, Commerce, and Liberty; zen," a little book in every bookstore, contains with Messrs. Madison & Co. and their servile the treaty of Grenville, by which we obtained supporters, we shall have War, Beggary, and of the Indians a relinquishment of their terri-Slavery for our bitter portion.' Such is the tory, back to this boundary. The land beyond, to the nomical limits of the United States as settled between us and Great Britain, still remained the undisputed property of the aboriginal natives. It is for the right to buy or con language of the editor of the New-York Even- FOREIGN. By accounts from Norway, to the latter part of August, it appears that the war had ceased between Norwegians and Swedes. A battle was said to have been fought, early in the month, in which 15,000 were killed; but the report is vague, and does not state which, or whether either army gained a victory. It was however followed by an armistice on the 14th of August, and a Convention between the Prince Royal of Sweden and the Norwegian government, providing for the disbanding of the national troops of Norway, the return of most of the Swedish forces; and the establishment of a Diet, to meet at Christiana on the 7th of October. The latest English papers complain much of the style of the French journals, as indicating a desire to excite jealousies among the allied powers, and rekindle war in Europe. The Emperour Alexander was on his way to Vienna, but was expected to make some stay at Warsaw. Lord Castlereagh left Lausanne, Sept. 3, for Vienna. Talleyrand had not left Paris on the 13th of September. The from Bremen that Lord Wellington had report Egone to take command of the British troops in Holland, is not true; but the accounts of extensive military preparations, by all the continental powers, are confirmed. France alone appears to rely upon her diplomacy. The British Parliament was to meet on the 10th of November. The London papers contain many contradictory rumours concerning the negotiation at Ghent; but the latest (Sept. 16) positively asserts that the negotiation though suspended, until instructions should arrive from America, was not considered as definitively closed. DOMESTICK. Sackett's Harbour. Our accounts are not later than the 2d inst. The British fleet are again cruising. The American force, under Gen. Brown is rated at upwards of 7,000; the British force at Kingston, at 15,000. Letters from Tennessee report another battle in the neighbourhood of Mobile, in which General Jackson is said to have killed 400 of the British-his own loss amounting to roo killed and 160 wounded. Chesapeake. Ten or twelve small vessels were captured on the 11th inst. by the enemy. No movements indicating any intention of attack at present. ence. The conscription bill received its quietus, for the present, in the Senate, on Thursday, the 10th. like some Allies, who having been engaged to A moderate set of these virile ornaments The common Russians consider the wearing Your gracious voices oft declare What kind of Lions, sirs, you are. A small British force has appeared in Delaware bay, and a body of Delaware militia have been called out, to oppose any attempt to land. CONGRESS. The amendment, proposed by the Senate, to the loan bill, pledging specifically the publick revenue for the payment of the interest and reimbursement of the prin When I am at a loss to account for any cipal of the money to be borrowed, and orig- strange appearance, or am perplexed about inating a sinking fund, has been rejected by the origin of any custom or fashion that prethe House. The Senate have voted to adherevails amongst us, I usually apply to my friend to their amendment, and proposed a confer- Dr. Reverie, who, from his great penetration and deep learning, is commonly able to clear up my doubts, and resolve all my difficulties. Upon the present occasion, however, his ingenuity seemed to fail him, and I did not receive all that satisfaction which my curiosity required. He delivered a very learned discourse upon beards in general, and endeavoured, without much success, to trace out some analogy between antient customs, and the fashion under consideration. The only resemblance was in the account he gave of the Moors, who, before they were driven out of Spain, had a strange taste for trimming their trees into giants, and their beards into wild animals. He concluded a very long dissertation by saying, that whatever might be the origin of the fashion, he thought it ought to be encouraged; for he THE WRITER, No. XXVII. really believed that, however appearances THE practice of wearing whiskers, which a might be against it, it promoted, rather than few years ago was confined to a small number endangered the peace of society. A good of the boldest and most dashing of the leaders thirsty crop of whiskers, said he, will absorb of fashion, has lately increased to a very alarm- great quantities of the peccant humours, and, ing degree; so that it is not uncommon now-by thus exhausting a portion of the incentives a-days to see a face, in other respects, innocent and unmeaning, forced into a sort of terrifick aspect, by a pair of frowning whiskers. These redoubtable auxiliaries of a vacant Last Saturday, the House took up the National Bank bill, in committee of the whole. The Bill was read through; the committee reported progress, and had leave to sit again. Mr. Jones Secretary of the Navy is about withdrawing from that Office. To whom will it be given next? Commodore Decatur has been mentioned, others speak of Mr. Loundes. LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. countenance are daily gaining ground upon the territory of the human face, and seem to threaten to overspread and occupy the whole; to anger, there will not be that predisposition This idea of the Doctor's, I must confess, very much reconciled me to the custom; for as I am a peaceable man, I was glad to have a physical reason why there should be no real danger, where appearances indicated so much. And I shall hereafter consent that our beaux may trim their faces into the likeness of any animals they please, provided they do not assume the nature of creatures they choose to resemble. THE PRESENT TIME. IN our youth, we defer being prudent till we are old, and look forward to a promise of wisdom, as the portion of latter years; when we are old, we seek not to improve, and scarce employ ourselves; looking back to our youth, as to the day of our diligence, and take a pride in laziness, saying, we rest, as after the accomplishment of our understandings; but we ought to ask for our daily merit, as for our daily bread. The mind, no more than the body, can be sustained by the food taken yesterday, or promised for tomorrow. Every day ought to be considered as a period apart: some virtue should be exercised, some knowledge improved, and the value of happiness well understood. Many look upon the present day as only the day before tomorrow, and wear it out with a weary impatience of its length. I pity those people who are ever in pursuit. but never in possession; their happiness must arrive as we date our promises to children, when two tomorrows come together. a blunderer, The man was laughed at as who said in a publick business "we do much for posterity, I would fain see them do something for us." The correct rule is that we should so enjoy the present as not to hurt the future. I could wish myself as little anxious as is possible about future contingencies, for the event of things generally mocks our foresight, eludes our care and shew's us that vain is the labour of anxiety. GIBBON'S STYLE. GIBBON'S is the style of a mind more anxious to dazzle than to enlighten; which substitutes harshness and inversion for energy; pheriphrastick obscurity for varied elegance; and which thinks itself profound, when its meaning perplexes or escapes the reader, from the imperfection or obscurity of the expression. But it is also the style of a mind habituated to reflection; comprehensive, and often original, in its views; of an imagination luxurious, not, perhaps, so much from nature as from care and cultivation; and it exhibits a command of that language which is completely unmanageable in the hands of one who has not been so richly gifted by nature, nor so carefully exercised in study. Mr. Gibbon's style are easily copied, and the copy generally surpasses the original. The defects of ABBE' MAURY. An old counsellor wishing to study Justinian's Institutes, employed the Abbé Maury, then very poor, to teach him Latin; some years after he met the counsellor at a gentleman's house-"Ah! Abbé," said he, haughtily," how came you here?" I may ask the same question," replied the Abbé. "Oh no, there is some difference; but you are in better circumStances than formerly, I suppose. Have you obtained any preferment as a clergyman?" -I am grand vicar to M. de Lombes,""What! well, that is something How much is it worth?"" A thousand francs.""That is very littles" and he resumed his haughty tone and contemptuous manner. "But I have a priory which produces a thousand crowns.' "A thousand crowns! ah, that is something handsome;" (with an air of respect) " and I became acquainted with the master of this house at the Cardinal de Rohan's."-" The deuce! do you visit the Cardinal de Rohan?" "Frequently; he has given me an abbey." "An abbey! ah, that is valuable. Monsieur l'Abbé, favour me with the honour of your company to dinner to-day." HOMER, VIRGIL, MILTON, AND KLOP STOCK. Religious zealotry, and German nationality Is it not POETRY. SELECTED. PARTING OF LOVERS. WITH grief o'erwhelmed we parted twice, in vain, AGE AND POVERTY. Age wishes no longer to bear. His lone wailings sends up to the skies? CHARACTER OF THE FAIR SEX, pleting a picture for a simile, to overshade | phors. He may be said, not to describe, but the point of comparison; so that his ornaments to render his subjects visible. resemble arabesques....the arabesques of Raphael indeed....one cannot guess at the branching point in what the volute is to terminate. This practice of second-hand painting is unwise: such sketches are apt, as artists would say, to want the solid. And in fact the scenery of Klopstock is illuminated by a certain gloomy twilight, a misty glory, an intangible rainbowy lustre, which disfavours an impression of the simile of the pestilence, for instance) on reality. The vivid hues of his decorations (in returning to the narrative melt into thin air; SOME German critics have called Milton the spectres cluster about his fact, and dissolve it Homer, and Klopstock the Virgil, of modern into phantasm. His mountains seem as it were religion. The comparison will not bear a very clouds; his groves, of empyreal palm; his close inspection. Homer is confessedly the cities, suburbs of some new Jerusalem; his greatest genius who ever undertook epic gorgeous palaces, his solemn temples, all appoetry, but he is not the polished artist: his pear to partake the fabric of a vision. To dream observation is ubiquitary; his invention is un-sights is the felicity of poets; it is remarkably precedented and inexhaustible; his style is that of Klopstock; he oftener looks within omnipotent, but it is unambitious, garrulous, and seldomer without for objects than any other and at times slovenly, rising and sinking with son of fancy. his subject. He resembles those perfect human bodies that grow up in the ruder stages of society, which have every exertion at command, combining the strength of Hercules and the swiftness of Hermes, but which, when unmoved by passion, spread in listless indolence. Virgil, with very inferior talent, exerts a greater degree of art; his whole capital of idea is borrowed; he is entirely the poet of precedent, an industrious gleaning translator; his style is level, neat, and elaborate, never precipitous,never low. He resembles his cotemporary Pylades, the dancer, who only showed himself in attitudes worthy of Apollo, who by trained dexterity could imitate with applause the gait of force or agility, but without possessing the native vigour to excel in either. The intellectual powers of Milton exceed those of Virgil; there is more energy, more soul in his diction, in his personages; what he writes stimulates more during perusal; but he is a poet of the same sort. He too composes by means of his reading; he too collects and selects his descriptions and comparisons, his maxims and characters, from the works of his predecessors; his style is more condensed, thoughtful, harsh, and unequal than Virgil's; but it is also the attentive style of a toiling artist, who is pursuing a different idea of perfection. Klopstock belongs to quite another description of composers. Poets draw from nature, from art, and from idea. They may owe their materials chiefly to observation, chiefly to reading, or chiefly to reflection. They may delight in describing the phenomena of their experience; in compiling the treasures of their study; or, in exhibiting those substitutions of the fancy, which the senses sometimes, and sometimes books, suggest. Homer is surely of the first, Milton and Virgil of the second, but Klopstock of the third of these classes*. He is the poet of reflection in the stricter sense of the word: he always draws from the picture in his own imagination, even when he derives the hint of it from a preceding writer. His plagiarism is never occupied, like Milton's, in mending the passage which he means to borrow, but the scene, which he means again to copy. In whatever he transfers, therefore, the point of view, the colouring, the locality, the distribution changes; circumstances vary, and personages thicken on his canvas. But he is too apt to loiter over his amendments, until he forgets the motive for undertaking, them, and, in com MENTAL ABSTRACTION. CARRIED to an undue extent, the habit of abstraction is unsuitable to our situation as social beings; but there is scarcely any plan of life in which it is not in some measure requisite ; and in the pursuits of science, whether physical or mental, it is continually required, and continually strengthened by exercise. It is even very important in the events of life. The power of directing the attention to some specifick objects of thought, to the exclusion of others, and to the exclusion of external impressions, constitutes the leading feature of that quality which we call presence of mind, and which is so often of signal service to our welfare, and even to the preservation of our lives. And this habit is essentially requisite, in our moral and religious culture. The acquisition of religious knowledge constantly implies the employment of abstraction; in the exercise of religious affections it is absolutely necessary; and in the discharge of duty, in opposition to powerful temptations, the power of fixing the attention upon those views and principles, which ought to guide us, is of the utmost importance. SACRED WRITERS. that "the poetry of the book of Job is not only lime, David the most pleasing and tender, so To all the stranger's ills a prey. While steering thus my course precarious, Alive to every tender feeling To deeds of mercy ever prone; No proud delay, no dark suspicion Stints the free bounty of their heart; But cheerful aid, at once, impart. Form'd in benevolence of Nature Obliging, modest, gay and mild, When parch'd with thirst, with hunger wasted; What cordial in the simple wave! Her courteous looks, her words caressing PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR BY MUNROE, FRANCIS AND PARKER, Price three dollars per annum, half in advance. DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. POLITICAL. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. BOSTON, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 26, 1814. NO. XLVIII. persecuting those who have endeavored in a legal manner to prevent the illicit traffick. But our hopes have been futile. Since the decision of our Courts against those, who honestly endeavoured to prevent the evil by the seizure of droves evidently intended for the enemyand since too, the avowed detestation of the practice, expressed by our fellow-citizens in the publick prints, the traffick has greatly increased-and we are sorry to add, is confined to no party. Thousands of cattle have been driven into Canada, during the present autumn, from this State and New-Hampshire, which it was known would supply the British One million of dollars will not defray the expense, which these measures have occasioned; yet we were but three months prepared to repel the enemy, and at no time in a situation to IT is seldom a PEOPLE resort to any extraresist such an attack, as the enemy, if disposed, ordinary political measures, requiring firmness in design and execution, for the redress of might have made. A million of dollars for "an attitude" of imperfect defence, three theoretick evils, however deeply the enlight- months! The enemy in quiet possession of a ened portion of society may see those evils large portion of the commonwealth, from endangering the rights and security of the which it would be imprudent to dislodge them, community. A government, that descends to unless we could prevent their return, to secure the policy of flattering the passions and preju- which, for one year, would require an expendices of the multitude, may deprive them of diture of several millions more!! Such a their liberty, and even induce them to become willing and active agents in its destruction state of things, with the total destruction of commerce, our life and support-and the ap-army." The wisest statesmen and patriots may pre-proaching demand of new taxes on houses, dict, warn, and expostulate; but all in vain. lands, furniture, occupations, and the necessaPractical evil, intolerable requisitions, general ries and comforts of life-the evidence of an distress alone, bring the mass of citizens to intention to continue the war with its accumua sense of their danger, and rouse them to act lating distresses have produced among the for self-preservation. people a general exclamation," who will shew us any good!" and turned their attention to those, on whose wisdom and firmness they can rely, for all that man can do; while pious for a benediction on their exertions. ejaculations are hourly ascending to heaven, The usurpations of the federal government, its aggressions upon our constitutional rights, and its plans for our degradation, have long been the theme on which some of our writers and orators have exercised their utmost powers, to wake the attention of a slumbering or deluded people. They but realized the adnonition of the poet, "Truths would you teach, to save a sinking land, "All fear, none aid you, and few understand.” The force of truth and oratory sometimes produced in our Legislatures, and among the people, a temporary sensibility; but it son yielded to apathy or timidity. Down we sink into our darting repose, and government, observing the ineffectual efforts of intellect and patriotism, became more and more confident and daring. Herein, at last, our rulers were mistaken. They saw how plainly the nature and consequences of their measures were described; and by what powerful arguments the people were warned to guard against menaced calamity. They saw but little popular indignation excited, and no symptom of efficient resistance. They concluded that in disposition to prevent, evinced a readiness to endure. This was a gross miscalculation, and our rulers will, in turn, be driven into the conviction of what they appear slow to understand. The famous measures of our legislature, or rather the excellent documents issued by them in 1809, termed "Patriotick Proceedings of the Legislature of Massachusetts," were but the voice of wise men addressed to the people; the appeal of the few to the many. The recent proceedings of our Legislature are entire ly of a new character-the representatives of the people demanded of their leaders to take decided ground. They do not deal in speculations on principles-they state our sufferings from the war, the exactions of government, and the impossibility of our sustaining either. We have made an experiment, which has aroused the careless among the federalists, and corrected the prejudices of many of the most devoted supporters of the general administration. We thought ourselves in danger of invasion-such measures of defence, as seemed absolutely indispensable, were adopted. This harvest, which has mitigated the evils of war, in Vermont, will not last another season. England has sent armies to Canada, because ours threatened invasion. But the number of our troops is daily diminishing by disease; they begin too to feel the effects of an exhausted treasury; they will die, desert, or return home as their terms expire, and government will have no means to replace them. The danger to the British of an invasion of Canada is over. On the approaching summer, either their armies will be principally withdrawn and transported to the Atlantick coast, for our destruction, or they will oblige Vermont to undertake her own defence, unaided by the general government. IF THE WAR CONTINUE, VERMONT WILL CERTAINLY JOIN IN THE CONVENTION, impelled like Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island, by the call of her distressed citizens. Vermont does not yet join us. We have no doubt that the more discerning part of her statesmen see that she will erelong embrace our views. A war advocate in that state, alluding to their Legislature's waving the subjeet of a convention, inquires, "but has not policy, more than inclination, produced this result " This undoubtedly is the fact-their wise men know, that such measures, to be effectual, must grow entirely out of popular feelinger and to suggested by the popular voice. ATTAUIDE [TO THE GOVERNMENT. Vermont has suffered much by the war, but nothing to be compared with Massachusetts ATTACHMENT to the government of our counand Connecticut. Their commerce was not try is treated by Orators and Poets, as a kind on the Ocean-our's was, and it is ruined. of innate, religious sentiment; but however from other states, have been expended by gov- this attachment, like all others when brought They have been taxed; but millions, drawn grateful it is to our natures to receive encomiums for lofty, disinterested qualities of mind, ernment in their's. The tree is now shaken, the fruit is gathered and consumed-they will to the test, will be found to depend on indihereafter be none the richer from the disburse-vidual self-love, on our regard to whatever ments of government, while their pay-day is we find the source of our pleasures or advanbut begun. The mass of their population do tages. not yet realize this-when they do, they will feel and act like us. We are attached to the government of our country, because we are accustomed to consider it as our shield, and strength; we look to it for protection against foes from abroad, and for the preservation of domestick tranquillity and order. We glory in its honour, "för we associate it with our own. Another reason why the Green Mountain farmers are behind us in suffering and in discontent, is, that their trade to Canada, though interdicted by government, is yet conducted with considerable advantage, favoured by the This is the whole secret of that charra which wants of sir George Prevost's harmless armies in their neighbourhood. A Danville Madiso performs such wonders, of that virtue which nian paper, though in the tone of complaint, then, which creates dangers instead of affordis so much extolled. Let not that government, shews us what consolation Vermont enjoys for her privations. "It is to be hoped (says the ing protection; which renders us weak and writer) that Congress will adopt some effec-helpless, instead of contributing to our strength; tual measures to check the progress of this which lives by faction, instead of promoting ruinous traffick. From the spirit which has harmony; which disgraces the country we appeared generally to pervade our fellow citiwere once proud to call our own; let not such zens, of all parties, for some time past, we had a government rely on popular ett. chment, as anticipated that the procedure. would correct on some permanent, inherent principle, that itself that republican virtue, at this all-imcannot be extinguished. portant period, would triumph over avarice and self-interest-that the wholesome laws of our land would be supported from principle, and that this order of things would supersede the necessity of again legally prosecuting and There is a bigoted attachment to the established government, the mere force of babi, which will hold vulgar and ignorant minds for a time, though rulers become the scourges of the people; but as this is mend polies |