procession turning to go out at one of the side doors near where we were standing, before I could retreat, I found myself involved in the crowd, and obliged to go with the stream. When I reached the street, I found the stranger again at my side. This is very extraor dinary, thought I; and, without seeming to notice him, walked away. He followed; and when we had got out of the nucleus of the throng, he seized me firmly by the arm, and drew me aside. Enraged and alarmed at this mysterious_treatment, I shook him fiercely from me. For about the time that one might count twenty, he seemed to hesitate; and then, suddenly coming back, repeated, in Italian, with considerable energy, " I, I am the Baron M. This is my palace; but I have nothing to eat!" I looked at the building, near the gate of which we were then standing: it was old and ruinous: there was no lamp in the court-yard, and only a faint light glimmering in one of the windows. up to the enemy by the soldiers, he wrote let- Three small decad iers. They flocked in crowds about us, every one soliciting that a part might be reserved for their use. Cheerfulness again appeared on every countenance, and a universal faith prevailed in the sovereign virtues of the remedies. The herbs now beginning to spring up above the ground, of these we made decoctions, to which wormwood and camphor were added, Mistaking my silence and astonishment, that by the prevalent flavour of these, they he pulled out his watch, and placing it in my might appear medicines of no mean efficacy. hand, entreated me to give him some money. The stiff, contracted limbs were animated with As I had no disposition to become a pawn-wax, melted in rapesced or linseed oil. The broker, I returned it with some expressions of invention of new and untried physick was surprise, and took out my purse with the in- boasted, and, amidst a defect of every necessatention of giving it to him, for it only con- ry and useful medicine, a strange medley of tained two or three small pieces. But here drugs was compounded. The effect, however all the solemnity of the adventure terminated. of the delusion was really astonishing, for many He snatched it out of my hand, and, emptying were quickly and perfectly recovered. Such the contents into his own, returned it; and, as had not moved their limbs for a month bewishing me good night, ran into the gateway.' fore, were seen walking the streets, sound, straight and whole. They boasted of their cure by the Prince's remedy; many who had declared they had been rendered worse by all former remedies, recovered in a few days to their inexpressible joy, and the no less general surprise, by taking, almost by having brought to them, what we affirmed to be their gracious Prince's cure. LORD BYRON'S COMPOSITIONS. The Edinburgh Reviewers appear now, not only to have become reconciled to Lord Byron, as an author, but to have enlisted among his warmest admirers. The last number republished in this country contains the following general observations on his manner. An unparalleled rapidity of narrative, and condensation of thoughts and images -a style always vigorous and original, though sometimes quaint and affected, and more frequently strained, harsh, and abrupt—a diction and versification invariably spirited, and almost always harmonious and emphatick: Nothing diluted, in short, or diffused into weakness, but full of life, and nerve and activitypanding only in the eloquent expression of strong and favourite affections, and every where else, concise, energetick, and impetuous-hurrying on with a disdain of little ornaments and accuracies, and not always very solicitous about being comprehended by readers of inferior capacity.' We are ready to subscribe to most of these opinions; but are at a loss to know how the style of a poet can be "frequently harsh," yet almost always harmonious." We think, that, in reviewing LARA, they will make some further qualifications. It possesses much of the same character as his Lordship's other productions, but we doubt whether it can be said, that it contains nothing diluted or diffuse. The description of Lara's manners after his return, in the Vth. VIth. VIIth. VIIIth. and IXth. stanzas of the first Canto, and resumed in the XVIth. XVIIth. XVIIIth, and XIXth appear to us protracted even to tediousness. POWER OF IMAGINATION IN CURING DIS- [A FACT RELATED BY VANDER MYE, M. D.] DURING the siege of Breda, in 1625, the garrison was afflicted with the scurvy in a inost dreadful degree. When the Prince of Orange heard of their distress, and understood that the city was in danger of being delivered POETRY. SELECTED. MORAL EFFUSION. A BEAM of tranquillity smil'd in the West, The storm of the morning pursued us no more, I thought of the days when to pleasure alone I In luxury loses its heavenly ray; The pearl of the soul may be melted away! That pleasure no more might its purity dim ; Had already the wreath of eternity shown ; I look'd to the West, and the beautiful sky Shed light on the soul that was darken'd no more." MY AIN FIRE SIDE. BY MISS HAMILTON. O, I hae seen great anes, and been in great ha's, een. But a sight sae delightfu' I trow I ne'er spied, Ance mair, Guid be thankit! by my ain hantsome Nae form to compel me to seem wae or glad, Wi' the friends o' my youth I cordially mingle : I may laugh when I'm merry-and sigh when I'm sad, When I drew in my stool on my cozie hearth-stane, TRANSLATION OF A HYMN, BY ARISTOTLE TO HIS FRIEND HERMIAS. Where'er thy sacred seeds take root, Dearer than smiles of parent kind, for thee the twins of mighty Jove, From vice the world to free; Hermias, the darling of mankind, As long as Jove's bright altars blaze, VOL. I. POLITICAL. DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. IMPORTANT PRINCIPLES. EXTRACTS FROM MR.WARD'S SPEECH. THE Conscription Bill, before Congress in the month of December, was set aside in the Senate, and the excellent speeches delivered by the friends of liberty, on that occasion, have perhaps lost some of their interest. But we extract a few passages from Mr. WARD'S speech, of the 14th of that month, which, with many other excellent remarks, in the same production, will apply to other cases of threatened usurpation, and ought always to be familiar to the people, and continually sounding in the ears of our corrupt rulers. Hav ing finished a copious argument, proving the Conscrip tion Bill unconstitutional, Mr. Ward observed, BOSTON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 21, 1815. pen that an army could not be raised in that Sir, it will never happen in a country like ours, that a wise and provident administration cannot raise an army, without resorting to force, when the interest of the nation requires that they should have one. In a war just, necessary, and expedient, and wisely conducted, one in which the feelings of the people are engaged, armies will be raised with great facility. In any other war the government ought not to have an army. Our government is a government of the people, was made for the people, for the good of the many, and not to support the If the bill on you table is unconstitutional, pride, the weak or wicked policy or the pasresistance is not only lawful but it is a duty..sions, of the few. War never ought to be deTo resist usurped power, is as high a duty asclared by a government like ours,excepting for to submit to power lawfully exercised; and the causes of such magnitude, and for injuries of freemen of the east will much sooner incur the such a nature, as to cause a general excitepenalties of an unconstitutional law, than the ment. After having legislated for years, upon guilt of treachery to their country and poster- principles hostile to the interests of the peoity. We have heard much from some of the ple, and destructive of their attachment to the majority, of the power of government, of re- government, to expect that the people would bellion, and of crises" Sir, far be it from ine rally round the government, and fight with ento do any thing to invite or hasten crises, but thusiasm, betrays a want of knowledge of men, if they are forced upon the citizens of this and of the nature of our free institutions.' country, when they are defending "the blessings of civil liberty," they will be met with that fortitude which conscious integrity inspires, and the power of the government, exerted in an unjust cause, will be found to be impotence. From the language of some gentiemen, I should suppose they imagine, that persons in authority have a right to use any powers which they may deem necessary to accomplish lawful ends, and are not restrained or limited to constitutional means, and that resistance, in all cases, would be rebellion. Again, speaking of the state of our country, and the nature of the present war, our worthy representative says : The president through his minister, declares to us, "that the nature of the crisis in which we are involved, and the extent of our danger, require particular attention-that we are contending for existence, and must make great exertions, and suffer great sacrificesthat we are called upon for a display of all that patriotism, which distinguished us in the first great struggle-that we must relinquish no right, or perish in the struggle. "Whoever in authority," said the great Mr. Locke, "exceeds his powers, acts without Is this a true picture of the state of our counauthority, and may be opposed, as any other try? Are we contending for existence? Are man who invades rights." Upon its being ob- we called upon for a display of those spasms served, that to tell the people they may of patriotism exhibited in our great struggle? oppose power when perverted or misapplied, How came we in this situation? By whose awill lead to rebellion," the same great man gency, and for what causes, were we thus inreplied "You may as well say, to tell honest volved? The same government, the same men they may oppose robbers and pirates will men, involved us in the war, which is the lead to disorder and bloodshed." When the cause of all the evils and calamities which afamous Selden was asked, by what statutes wait us, who now tell us, and the world, that resistance to tyranny could be justified, he the principle, in support of which they said the answered It is to be justified by the cus- war was declared, is not worth a serious contom and usage of England, which is the law of test. The same men who now call upon us to the land." "We are to support the crown," surrender our lives, our personal liberty, our says Bolingbroke, "with our lives and for- child and every thing which is dear to us tunes, while it keeps within bounds, and pro- to extricate our country from the state of tects us, and no longer." "This is so well wretchedness in which they have involved us, settled," as he expresses it, "that conscience now, in effect, admit, that after the revocation has no occasion to battle with the understand- of the British orders in council, there was no ing." "A king," says Mr. Erskine, " has no adequate cause for prosecuting the war. It is more authority to exceed his power, than a con- true, as is said, after the peace in Europe, the stable." If government usurp a power, not gi-principles of impressment, for which our eneven by the constitution, they are wrong doers, and responsible for the consequences. my contend, will have no practical effect ;" but what were we told when war was declared? In the secretary's explanatory observations, It was then resounded from one end of the it is said, that "Congress had a right, by the continent to the other, that the war was a war constitution, to raise regular armies, and no for principle-that sailors' rights were to be restraint is imposed in the exercise of it"- established on a basis eternal. No man supthat it would be absurd to suppose that Con- posed, from the representations of the supporgress could not carry this power into effect, iers of the war, that the blood and treasure otherwise than by accepting the voluntary ser- which were expended, were to avert the curvices of individuals"-and that "it might hap-rent sufferings by impressment, during the war NO. LVI. in Europe. Every one knew that the evils of one year of war, would be greater than those of a century, resulting from impressment, in the manner in which it was practised when the war was declared. Gentlemen may disguise it as they will, still, the passions, the feelings, and the motives, which led to the war, will be rightly apprehended and fully understood by our enlightened citizens.' The following paragraph may or may not apply to the ultimate demands of the British government. We conceive it very proper and seasonable, however, to turn publick attention to the subject: it may be very interesting. The President,through his minister, says"The United States must give up no right, or perish in the struggle." These were not the sentiments of Alexander, the Deliverer, at the treaty of Tilsit; and we have seen the fruits and effects of the wisdom of Romanzoff, in negociating that treaty, wonderfully displayed in the battle of Boridino, and in the after events of Europe. No wise government, despotick or republican, ever held such language, or practised upon such a principle. A mad adherence to this principle hurried Bonaparte, from the government of the fairest part of Europe, to that speck of creation, the island of Elba. What, yield nothing! give up no right, however unimportant, even to quiet the reasonable fears of our enemy not even be at peace with our red brethren," and suffer those children of nature to enjoy, undisturbed, a small portion of the lands, which the God of nature gave them! The proudest monarchs, in their proudest days, have often for the sake of peace, given up rights, not important to their security, to quiet the fears of a weaker neighbour. Lou's the 14th, when more powerful than any monarch in Europe, for the sake of peace, and to quiet the fears of the English and Dutch, agreed to destroy his fortifications at Dunkirk. The English, when they were conquerors, to obtain peace,and quiet the fears of Spain, agreed to demolish their forts near the bay of Honduras. No wise government, to avoid a present contest, will surrender rights, which will weaken itself essentially, or give an accession of power to its enemy, which will operate a serious disadvantage in future contests. These general observations I have thought it not improper to make; as negotiation for peace is pending, I will not be more particular.' On the aspersions uttered against the government and people of Massachusetts. Sir, I am not a little surprised at the reproaches, which have been cast upon the gov ernment and people of Massachusetts, for suffering a part of her territory to be captured, and hitherto to remain in possession of the enemy. It is the more extraordinary, as the censure comes from the members of a goverument, to whom she has paid the price of protection, and from whom she has a right to demand it. It is owing to the improvidence of the government of the United States that the enen y now possesses the territory to which allusion is bad A small portion of the millions drawn from Massachusetts, and wasted by dishonest agents, or expended in mad pro sufficient distinctness, what we can, and what we cannot endure. They have drawn the line, like true patriots and sages, between our duty to a government and to ourselves. They have suppressed every specification of " ulterior measures," in case our prospects of peace do not speedily assume a new aspect, for very obvious reasons. But as many of our wrongs and the evils which are still to be apprehend jects, if it had been laid out in building forti- | have been very unwise to have proposed a fications, and placing garrisons in them, would measure, which could not be effected, without have prevented even atemporary loss of this ter- the decided approbation of the mass of the ritory. If the United States declare to New-En-people, unless it were perfectly clear that they gland, that they cannot protect them, and that very unanimously demanded it. Were every all expectations of the general government do- other obstacle removed, and this existed, it ing their duty, are mere delusions, Massachu- is decided proof that the present is not the setts will use her means to better purposes | time to act. When it is the season for such than the United States have employed them. a step as we are contemplating, it must and Since the adoption of the constitution, more will be announced by the unequivocal expres-ed, do not depend on the question of peace or money has been received from Massachusetts sion of the publick desire. war, but either on original defects in the conby the United States, than they have been able stitution, or a perversion of its principles, for to beg, or borrow, even at an enormous prewhich it contains in itself no remedy, they mium, of their partisans and supporters; in have proposed certain improvements, which return for which, for twelve years past, she has do not relate to our present contest, but to received nothing but injuries. Moreover. the the attainment of a just, permanent, and seplace invaded is nearly three hundred miles cure form of government. To every citizen from Massachusetts proper, and her whole in-rangements, to end the calamities of war, the of enlightened understanding and political satermediate sea coast, three hundred miles in gacity, it will appear evident, that though these extent, has been left unprotected by the United objects are not connected with peace, they are States, whose duty it was to provide for their as essential to our prosperity and freedom. defence; and even her capital, daily in expecHere the report embraces definite proposi tation of invasion, was wholly neglected by the tions; they are adapted to our wants and jusgeneral government. In this situation, it did tified by our experience; they are such as not comport with the wisdom and sound we must obtain, or be forever the victims policy of the supreme executive of Massachuof faction and local prejudices. Here the setts, to draw his troops from the capital of Convention were acting" within their provthe State, into the wilds of the district of ince," and express themselves with a spirit Maine, to rescue a portion of its territory from which we devoutly hope may be seconded by a possession of the enemy, which, as it rea large majority of this community, and that spects the most of it, is merely nominal, and they will determine, as the Convention recomleave the capital of the state to be sacked and mend," to persevere in their efforts to obtain destroyed by the enemy. Acts of folly and such amendments, UNTIL THE SAME SHALL BE weakness, of this description, are the excluEFFECTED." sive right of another executive.' REMARKS ON THE REPORT OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. THERE were undoubtedly many people in New England who sincerely wished, and had allowed themselves to expect, that the Convention would have proposed, withoot longer delay, the very measure that Mr. Randolph, and probably many others at the Southward apprehended-to abandon Virginia, and her war abettors to their fate, and seek our own security, at once, in an accommodation with the enemy. We do not deny that the general government has so violated the principles of the federal compact, and not only defeated but counteracted the purposes for which ours and every good government is instituted, that the people are, both as a nation and as distinct states, in fact absolved from their pledged allegi nce. We do not deny that the outrages we have endured, and the sufferings we are now encountering, strongly urge to the immediate re-assumption of our delegated rights. But there were three very substantial reasons why the Convention should not recommend any measure interfering with the powers given to Congress, or the Executive of the Union. The first is stated in their report it was not within their province." They were appointed to confer on the state of our publick affairs, to digest if possible some plan of relief, and redress; but not to infringe upon the authority of the federal constitution. Whatever the legislatures, who acted on this occasion might conceive to be their rights, they appointed their delegates, for the present, with this express restriction. The second objection was, that however zealous many may be that we should now undertake a local management of our external relations, independent of the national Executive and Congress, there would have been, as yet, too many opposed to such a step, not to have endangered its practicability. It would The third objection arises from the circumstances of the case. Had the Convention been qualified with ample instructions to act for their constituents without any regard to the federal constitution; and had it been ever so popular to proceed immediately to local arConvention were correct in deferring to act for such purposes. We actually suffer, but we are not actually in danger. We have a short time in prospect, before the day of peril may be expected to arrive. It is only when necessity leaves us no hope, no alternative but destruction, that we can resort to such a mode of relief as that which supersedes the authority of an existing government. We may have peace, before the hour of trial comes; then such a strong and critical step would be proved unnecessary, and of course unjustifiable. By waiting until the storm is bursting upon us, we are sure of unanimity; and our situation will then justify us to Heaven and the world, in practical obedience to the dictates of self preservation. Why then hurry to "decisive measures ?" If they become expedient, and justifiable by the law of nature, we have yet time enough to adopt them. If we adopt them, and find the evil we dread, averted in the mean time, by a national peace, we should Jikewise find ourselves involved in an unpleasant predicament, and have reason to regret our impetuosity. GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON,SATURDAY, JANUARY 21,1815. FOREIGN. A mere report has reached us, by the way of Bermuda, that before the 18th of November, Lord Hill had been at Portsmouth, prepared to embark for America, but that he had returned to London; and that this was considered as favourable to a prospect of peace. Nothing further from Ghent or Vienna. The British expedition DOMESTICK. against New Orleans, began to enter Lake We are aware of an argument against this But to return to the more immediate sub- Ponchartrain on the 12th of December, advan ced up the lake, and on the 13th a fleet of barges attacked our only naval defence in that quarter, five gun boats and one schooner, which were taken after an obstinate resistance. It is said many of the enemy's barges were previously sunk. A later report says, that on the 17th, the British were landing, 18 miles from the city. That the defence of the city actually consisted of but about 4000 men, regulars and militia; but that on the 18th General Coffee with 1800 troops from Tennessee, and about 3000 Kentucky militia passed Baton Rouge, descending the river, and expected to arrive at New Orleans, in twentyfour hours. Some letter-writers rely principally for their security on the extreme swampyuess of the land all around New Orleans, except certain passes, which they say, were or could be strongly fortified General Jackson has issued a Proclaination in the true On the 13th instant a transport arrived at Castine, with 200 men of the 29th Regiment, from Bermuda. Four hundred more were expected there from St. John's. It is now certain that the Maidstone frigate has been at Halifax, since her reported engagement with the Constitution, and that they did not ineet. All the army Surgeons on furlough are ordered to return to duty, by orders from the Secretary at war, the troops in many ports being reported sickly." A disease of a most fatal character is raging in several parts of Virginia. In the county of Stafford and King George in particular, its ravages have been dreadful, sweeping off whole families in a few hours. The physicians have given it the name of a putrid sore throat. The United States frigate President, Commodore Decatur, sailed from New York, last Saturday, afternoon, with a strong W. N. W. breeze; none of the enemy's cruisers had been for several days in sight from the Hook. | sponsibility devolving upon him by his relation | to society, and is ever ready to adopt any opinion or receive any advice that may be offered, will expose himself to great inconsistency of conduct, and probably forfeit the confidence that may have been placed in him; for his want of reliance on himself, in such cases, is sufficient proof that he does not merit the confidence of others; that his abilities have been overrated, or that he has assumed obligations, which he is conscious he is unable to discharge. But there are many trying scenes in the life of almost every individual, when Our publick papers contain a long, candid, perplexity is no dishonour, when self distrust able and specifick reply to the letter lately is wisdom, and when he gives the strongest published by the Hon. John Randolph of Vir-proof that he both understands himself and his ginia, from the pen of the Hon. James Lloyd of this town, to whom the former was addressed. The contents, we trust, will calm some of the undue alarms, which seem to have existed among the Virginians, and at the same time instruct them, as to what they may rely on, from the determined aversion of the NewEnglanders to their present humiliating and distressing situation. STATE LEGISLATURE. The General Court of this Commonwealth commenced the winter session last Wednesday. It was ascertained that a quorum of both branches of the Legislature was present, which being announced to his Excellency the Governour, he communicated his Message, with a variety of interesting documents, the same day. Among these papers was the Report of the New England states, which his Excellency says 66 appears to have been the result of moderation and firmness." subject, who is disposed to avail himself of all follow from the remark of our philosopher, Why should any man of sense decline to Nothing is more pitiful, aspiring as it may seem to be, than a passion for the character of infallibility. How many generals have lost the battle, because they spurned to be advised In adverting to the negotiations at Ghent, and the information, which we have received from that quarter, his Excellency makes a re-by a subordinate officer, though convinced he mark, which well deserves the attention of every citizen, and is particularly seasonable, when the minds of many are somewhat disposed to expect, that we can make war when we choose, and peace on just such terms as we may consider most agrecable. "Should the conditions of pe ce" observes the Governour, "to which we may find it convenient ultimately to agree, be not the most favourable, the fault will not consist in making peace, but IN HAVING MADE WAR. This fault will not be diminished by postponing a reconciliation to a distant period; neither the political character, nor the moral stain of an unnecessary war can be effaced, though the war should be continued many years The House ordered that 5000 copies of the Report of the Convention of Delegates from Massachusetts, Connecticut and Rhode Island, &c. should be printed for the future disposal of the House. was correct: The counsel of a HAMILTON Our views of things, independently of preju- TRUE BENEFICENCE. I WOULD have him, who desires to show others. Much of the same character are ish and embrace all the most indigent of every kind, in one comprehensive circle of general benevolence. If your friend observes this rule in its full extent, he is certainly to be commended; if he only partially pursues it, still he deserves, (in a less degree indeed, however he deserves) praise: so uncommon is it to meet with an instance of generosity even of the most imperfect kind! The lust of avarice has so totally scized upon mankind, that their wealth seems rather to possess them than they to possess their wealth. Melmoth's Pliny, IX. 30, PITT'S PARLIAMENTARY ELOQUENCE. As a parliamentary orator, Mr. Pitt's powers were various. In statement he was perspicuous, in declamation, animated. If he had to explain a financial account, he was clear and accurate. If he wanted to rouse a just indignation for the wrongs of the country, he was rapid, vehement, glowing and impassioned. And whether his discourse was argumentative or declamatory, it always displayed a happy choice of expression and fluency of diction, which could not fail to delight his hearers. So singularly select, felicitous, and appropriate was his language, that it has often been remarked, a word of his speech could scarcely be changed without prejudice to its harmony, vigour or effect. He seldom was satisfied with standing on the defensive in debate, but was proud to contrast his own actions with the avowed intentions of his opponents. These intentions, too he often exposed with the most pointed sarcasm; a weapon which, perhaps, no speaker ever wielded with more dexterity and force than himself. He admired much, in Mr. Fox, the happy effect with which he illustrated his arguments, by the application of well known anecdotes, or by passages from modern authors; but he did not imitate him in this respect on the other hand he used to condemn his habit of repetition. Mr. Pitt's love of amplification has sometimes been mentioned as detracting from his excellence as an orator; but it was his own remark, that every person who addressed a publick assembly, and was anxious to be distinctly understood, and to make an impression upon particular points, must either be copious upon those points or repeat them, and that as a speaker, he preferred copiousness to repetition. Of his oratory it may be observed gencally, that it combined the eloquence of Tully with the energy of Demosthenes. It was spontaneous; always great, it shone with pcculiar, with unparalleled splendour, in a reply, study; while it fascinated the imagination by which precluded the possibility of previous the brilliancy of language, it convinced the judgment by the force of argument ;—like an impetuous torrent it bore down all resistance : extorting the admiration even of those who most severely felt its strength, and who most earnestly deprecated its effect. It is unnecessary and might be presumptuous to enter more minutely into the character of Mr. Pitt's eloquence there are many living witnesses of its powers--it will be admired as long as it shall be remembered, GIFFORD. MORAL THERE are a thousand little offices of civil Ity, kindness, and respect, to be performed every day in our intercorse with each other, which, if we were to attend to them, would shew our true state of mind, temper and disposition, much more satisfacto.ily than those more glaring performances, of which we are apt to form too favourable a judent. jects, if it had been laid out in building fortifications, and placing garrisons in them, would have prevented even a temporary loss of thisterritory. If the United States declare to New-England, that they cannot protect them, and that all expectations of the general government doing their duty, are mere delusions, Massachusetts will use her means to better purposes than the United States have employed them. Since the adoption of the constitution, more money has been received from Massachusetts by the United States, than they have been able to beg, or borrow, even at an enormous premium, of their partisans and supporters; in return for which, for twelve years past, she has received nothing but injuries. Moreover. the place invaded is nearly three hundred miles from Massachusetts proper, and her whole intermediate sea coast, three hundred miles in extent, has been left unprotected by the United States, whose duty it was to provide for their defence; and even her capital, daily in expectation of invasion, was wholly neglected by the general government. In this situation, it did not comport with the wisdom and sound policy of the supreme executive of Massachusetts, to draw his troops from the capital of the State, into the wilds of the district of Maine, to rescue a portion of its territory from a possession of the enemy, which, as it respects the most of it, is merely nominal, and leave the capital of the state to be sacked and destroyed by the enemy. Acts of folly and weakness, of this description, are the exclusive right of another executive.' - REMARKS ON THE REPORT OF THE HARTFORD CONVENTION. THERE were undoubtedly many people in New England who sincerely wished, and had allowed themselves to expect, that the Convention would have proposed, withopt longer delay, the very measure that Mr. Randolph, and probably many others at the Southward apprehended-to abandon Virginia, and her war abettors to their fate, and seek our own security, at once, in an accommodation with the enemy. We do not deny that the general government has so violated the principles of the federal compact, and not only defeated but counteracted the purposes for which ours and every good government is instituted, that the people are, both as a nation and as distinct states, in fact absolved from their pledged allegi nce. We do not deny that the outrages we have endured, and the sufferings we are now encountering, strongly urge to the immediate re-assumption of our delegated rights. But there were three very substantial reasons why the Convention should not recommend any measure interfering with the powers given to Congress, or the Executive of the Union. The first is stated in their report" it was not within their province." They were appointed to confer on the state of our publick affairs, to digest if possible some plan of relief, and redress; but not to infringe upon the authority of the federal constitution. Whatever the legislatures, who acted on this occasion might conceive to be their rights, they appointed their delegates, for the present, with this express restriction. The second objection was, that however zealous many may be that we should now undertake a local management of our external relations, independent of the national Executive and Congress, there would have been, as yet, too many opposed to such a step, not to have endangered its praçucability. It would sufficient distinctness, what we can, and what we cannot endure. They have drawn the line, like true patriots and sages, between our duty to a government and to ourselves. They have suppressed every specification of " ulterior measures," in case our prospects of peace do not speedily assume a new aspect, for very obvious reasons. But as many of our wrongs and the evils which are still to be apprehend have been very unwise to have proposed a The third objection arises from the circumstances of the case. Had the Convention been qualified with ample instructions to act for their constituents without any regard to the federal constitution; and had it been ever so popular to proceed immediately to local arrangements, to end the calamities of war, the Convention were correct in deferring to act for such purposes. We actually suffer, but we are not actually in danger. We have a short time in prospect, before the day of peril may be expected to arrive. It is only when necessity leaves us no hope, no alternative but destruction, that we can resort to such a mode of relief as that which supersedes the authority of an existing government. We may have peace, before the hour of trial comes; then such a strong and critical step would be proved unnecessary, and of course unjustifiable. By waiting until the storm is bursting upon us, we are sure of unanimity; and our situation will then justify us to Heaven and the world, in practical obedience to the dictates of self preservation. Why then hurry to "decisive measures?" If they become expedient, and justifiable by the law of nature, we have yet time enough to adopt them. If we adopt them, and find the evil we dread, averted in the mean time, by a national peace, we should likewise find ourselves involved in an unpleasant predicament, and have reason to regret our impetuosity. We are aware of an argument against this delay. It is said that if we proceed to make propositions, while they may in some sense be considered voluntary, the enemy, as our gov ernment have made them, will be more favourably disposed towards us, than if we postpone it to the last moment. There is probably some justice in this remark; but it proves no more than that we have before us, a choice of evils, and it will be wise to choose the least. The British know too well the relation between government and the governed, to expect we should dissolve this relation, unless reduced to an extremity. To whatever extremity we may be reduced, the advantage to them of terms, which we could not admit, in preference to such as might be reasonable, would probably be too dearly purchased, by encountering the united efforts of a desperate people. Besides, we have no reason, in this quarter, to anticipate a vindictive spirit in the enemy. We have had little part in the war, but as we have been the unwilling victims of its miseries, and the world know it. Nor was the policy which brought on this war, ostensibly waged against Great Britain alone, more inveterately hostile to her, than to this hated, proscribed, and persecuted section of the United States. This, every intelligent New-Englandman knows and feels; and to this the English are no strangers. But to return to the more immediate subect-if it be not considered presumption in us to offer an opinion, on the conduct of men venerable by their wisdom, experience, and integrity, we venture to say, that the result of the Hartford Convention has been precisely what we ought to wish, and what circumstan ces required. They have pointed out, with GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON,SATURDAY, JANUARY 21,1815. FOREIGN. A mere report has reached us, by the way of Bermuda, that before the 18th of November, Lord Hill had been at Portsmouth, prepared to embark for America, but that he had returned to London; and that this was considered as favourable to a prospect of peace. Nothing further from Ghent or Vienna. DOMESTICK. The British expedition. against New Orleans, began to enter Lake Ponchartrain on the 12th of December, advanced up the lake, and on the 13th a fleet of barges attacked our only naval defence in that quarter, five gun boats and one schooner, which were taken after an obstinate resistance. It is said many of the enemy's barges were previously sunk. A later report says, that on the 17th, the British were landing, 18 miles from the city. That the defence of the city actually consisted of but about 4000 men, regulars and militia; but that on the 18th General Coffee with 1800 troops from Tennessee, and about 3000 Kentucky militia passed Baton Rouge, descending the river, and expected to arrive at New Orleans, in twentyfour hours. Some letter-writers rely principally for their security on the extreme swamp. yness of the land all around New Orleans, except certain passes, which they say, were or could be strongly fortified General Jackson has issued a Proclaination in the true |