DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. This is most base, and posterity will seek with surprise for the reasons of this difference. Let us settle the facts, and let us then trace the reasons. When Washington, in precise conformity to the constitution, ratified the British treaty, (that measure the wisest, and most solid foundation of all our subsequent commercial and agricultural prosperity,) the opposition, the Geriys and Austins and McClenaghans and Madisons, did not limit their resistance to feeble resolutions. They were inspired with one sentiment; and acted with a spirit and unanimity, as if they had been influenced or actuated by one soul. They assembled in town meetings, and camp or field mobs; and not only declared that they would "kick the damned treaty to hell," but these patriots, who now denounce all expression of disapprobation as moral treason, actually hung both Washingto and chief justice Jay in effigy. Not content with these proofs of respect for the constituted authorities, the minority in congress refused to make the appropriations to carry the national stipulations into effect. In other words, they attempted to violate the constitution-to invade the executive powersand to disgrace the nation in the eyes of the world. When, at a subsequent period, the Excise upon Spirits was laid in support of a necessary Indian war, these same patriots, who are the very same individuals that have now passed a similar law to support an unjust and unnecessary war, did not limit their opposition to elegant and eloquent speeches in congress, or to well indited petitions to the State legisla-. tures, pledging their lives and fortunes in favour of an undefined course of measures; but, under the guidance and direction of secretary Gallatin,-the present keeper of a treasure, which does not exist except in the pockets of the people, of a treasure eaten up and consumed before it is collected,-assembled in force; shot General Washington's collector; burnt the house of Col. Lenox, the marshal; obliged the government to turn out twenty thousand troops; received a pardon; and were rewarded by the people with the highest offices of the state. The late events have shewn, that the best people to keep order, and to suppress insurrection in the imprudent risings of the people, are your rebels themselves. Thus it is said there are no people who are so good protectors of the property of honest men against robbers, as the robbers themselves. Now, forsooth, if, against acts plainly and manifestly unconstitutional, and oppressive Le BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 12, 1814. NO. VII. yond description, there should be a gentle have too much property, and too great a love traitor. When, under Mr. Adams's administration, an attempt was made to raise a Land Tax of only two millions to carry on a war against France, who had passed an act for the indiscriminate capture of all American vessels, and had moreover demanded a bribe of fifty thousand pounds sterling as a condition of an audience, and who had put our ministers under the surveillance of the police, that is to say, taken them into custody, the Pennsylvanians rose in arms, and declared they would take the life of any collector who should attempt to collect it. In some of the states, south of Pennsylvania, they took a shorter method; they intimidated every man from accepting the office of collector, and the tax was for many years, and some of it to this day is unpaid. When the Alien Law was passed, a law authorizing the President to send dangerous aliens out of the country, the Virginians, who always thought the constitutional rights of aliens much more sacred than those of citizens, (witness the present war for aliens, and the embargo, as a proof of their contempt for the rights of those who had the misfortune to be born in America,) the Virginians declared that act void. James Madison drew the resolutions; and a Virginian newspaper, edited at the seat of the Virginia government, declared that an hundred thousand free Virginians were ready to oppose the law by force. These were Madison's principles, and such the conduct of his party against measures, moderate, constitutional, and just. Now in deed we have a War not provoked by our enemy, unjust, impolitick, and ruinous; a war in which we expend more in one month, than Mr. Adams's war cost in one year. We have an Embargo, which violates every principle of civil liberty, to which neither the slaves of Turkey or France would submit an hour. Yet such is our love of order, such our fear of revolution, such the charm in the word Union, whose substance has been gone for ten years past, that we dare not speak out our wrongs in the language of freemen. So far from this, it has been considered a reproach to the " Boston assemblage" that it dared to tel! the government, that an infamous ex post facto law, if persevered in, " must and would be resisted," and Mr. Quincy's expression of "peaceably if we can, forcibly if we must," is to this hour quoted by one party as a rebellious and execrable sentence. Why is it that our Legislature, after declaring the embargo act unconstitutional, are afraid to add, that they will not submit to it? Is it a crime to refuse to submit to laws which are unconstitutional? or rather is it not the crime of Leze majestié against the people for the legislature to refrain from such a constitutional opposition? What are the causes of this reluctance to do our duty? 1st. Because the federalists do our duty ? We are more united at this moment, than we were at the beginning of the revolutionary war; and much more so than when we suppressed Shays's insurrection. Yet we tremble at the shadow of danger. We shake at the rustling of the leaves. When we shall have been as thoroughly fleeced as the Dutch-when our douaniers and spies shall have enriched themselves from our spoils, perhaps even we too, even the Yankees may hoist the "Orange cockade” and. declare themselves once more free. A YANKEE. We never see but one or two of the democratick papers; but are confident, the last news from Europe will revive the hopes of the party, in favour of the tyrant who governs France and America. We are confident, if it were true that Great Britain was left alone again, in the contest with France, that it would induce our rulers to continue hostilities, and to stop the contemplated negotiations for peace. This they would do, because men whose all is embarked in this war, will seize on straws rather than despair. They will be❘lieve, they may yet find their assumed enemy busily engaged in her defence, at home. We feel bold to say, there is, at present, no grounds for such a calculation. A continental peace is by no means certain, until France is less dangerous to the tranquillity of Europe. A continental peace, to the exclusion of Eng land, is still less probable. But admit, for a moment, the utmost that even the most sanguine democrat can expect that a peace is made, and England not included; how different, how essentially different will be her prospects and situation, from what they have been for many years! The powers of Europe will not make peace, but on the ground of their respective independence. They will not again unite with France, and obey her dictates. They will enjoy and maintain their commercial rights. They will insist on a free intercourse with Great Britain. The continental system, as Bonaparte called his chains, is broken up. It has been tried and found intolerable. With the commerce of Europe, excepting the spot between the Rhine and Pyrenees, England can fight France forever, and grow stronger and more wealthy. The continental system was this Emperour's darling plan, as his only hope of weakening a nation, which was gaining, whilst he lost, by a contest with her. Peace, the only peace he can make with his continental enemies, will leave him exhausted, weakened, and alone, except America, to fight a thousand vessels of war, with scarcely a sailor, and a veteran triumphant army, with a band of recruits. His cause is hopeless, and ours no less so, if we continue our virtual alliance with Fifices Our rulers have come in, at the close of a tremendous contest, to offer their pitiful cheer, to a combatant, whose bones are broken and whose nerves are cut asunder. Let it again be understood that we make these remarks, not as grounded upon what are our expectations, as to events taking place, on the continent but as meeting and obviating the hopes of those, who wish to see Great Britain again left single-handed against France, in the belief that our war against her might then be protracted. But when we look at the solemn stipulations, to which the allies are pledged, we cannot for a moment imagine, that a separate peace is probable. Humbled as is the tone of the once insolent, dictatorial, swaggering Bonaparte, he is not yet, we presume, reconciled to the idea of making those concessions, which will be essential to the security of Austria, and Prussia. He must give up his Iron crown; his dear people of Italy must be freed. Alexander nobly proffered independence to those who wished to throw off the yoke, and would exert themselves to re-establish their independence. Holland has roused at the proposal. We cannot suppose he, or Bernadotte, or Frederick, will prove themselves faithless. The revolution in Holland must be acknowledged; and it will be a bitter pill to give up this "integral part of the French empire." All things considered, we are led to this conclusion; that, from every appearance of triumph on the part of the allies, if a peace take place, it must be such a one as they deem just and safe-that if Bonaparte will agree to such terms now, he is even more completely ruined than we had imagined. WHAT American can read the two following sentences, in the speech of the French Emperour, without a blush-nay without a burst of indignation. "The Republick of the United States of America, continues with success, its war with England." Then immediately "I have acknowledged the neutrality of the nineteen Swiss Cantons." Here is little Switzerland, bordering on France, a free and independent people, and the United States of America, separated from Europe, as Mr. Jefferson said in his jargon dialect, "by nature AND a wide ocean," still making common cause with the defeated tyrant!! When Bonaparte can have recourse to such drops of comfort, as our splendid successes in the west, his case must indeed be alarming. When we find our name mentioned among the last of his dependents, we ought to spurn the disgraceful encomium. Bonaparte never praises any nation but in proportion to its subservience to his will. GENERAL REGISTER. BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEB. 12, 1814. Of the most important events, which have occurred, since our former accounts, the following are the heads. Holland is revolutionized-the principal cities and fortresses are in the hands of the patriots-The French General Le Brun, has been obliged to decamp-à Dutch government has been organized-the Prince of Orange recalled, who entered Amsterdam on the 2nd of December, in solemn pomp, amidst the shouts and exultations of the emancipated Hollanders. English troops are going over to their assist ance Naples has caught the spirit of regenerated Europe. The Neapolitans have declared themselves free, and passed laws, admitting the flags of all countries. Switzerland has thrown off the French yoke, and been formally acknowledged neutral, by Bonaparte. They have raised a powerful army to defend their neutrality. Davoust, who commanded the left wing of the Grand Army, at Hamburgh, has retreated with a part of his troops, into Denmark-but Denmark is negotiating for peace, with the allies. The allied armies continue to increase their force all along the right bank of the Rhine. On the south of France, Lord WELLINGTON has obtained fresh successes, against Soult, whom he has routed, and is making advances towards Bordeaux. In a The allies, thus investing the late all-powerful France, around almost the whole of her original bounds, have had the magnanimity to renew the propositions they made, when Bonaparte was in the heart of Germany. speech to the senate, humiliating, we will not only say singularly so for Bonaparte, but such as would appear pitiful, and whining in any petty prince-the mighty Emperour claims their pity and condolence; bemoans his unforeseen disasters, and informs them that be has accepted the proposition to treat for peace, with the allies. Some expect a speedy continental peace-perhaps the most sage conclusion, from all circumstances, is, that it cannot be effected, until all Europe is prepared to share for a time, in general security and repose. DOMESTICK.-The report that Gen. Wilkinson's army had captured 900 British troops has been contradicted. The Secretary at War has made a report relating to the failure of the American arms on the Northern frontier. The documents embracing this subject, will compose a volume of about 600 pages, 8vo. ORDINATION.-On Wednesday, Mr. EDWARD EVERETT was ordained as Pastor over the Church and Congregation in Brattle-square, in this town The exercises were all such as to give high gratification to the uncommouly crowded audience-The introductory prayer was by the Rev. Dr. Lathrop-the sermon by the Rev. President Kirkland-the ordaining prayer by the Rev Dr. Osgood-the charge by the Rev. Dr. Porter-the right hand of fellowship by the Rev. Mr. Thacher, and the concluding prayer by the Rev. Dr. Harris. LITERARY AND MISCELLANEOUS. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. EUROPEAN. During the first part of this week, the town was in great agitation, in consequence of the arrival of a vessel from Liverpool, reported to have brought very interesting intelligence; and expectation was much increased by a suppression for some days of what news there was. The secresy appears to have been enDear Sir-I AM one of three sisters, who have joined by Liverpool merchants; who appre- had the advantage of a polite education, and feel hending a continental peace, wished to pur-conscious that we are not without personal atchase American produce, to meet the great demand which would ensue, in that case, not knowing that we were compelled by a new embargo, to keep our produce at home. tractions. We should like to intermix a little with the world, and sometimes appear at balls and publick places; but as we have neither father, brother, uncle nor cousin to attend us, custom seeins to have denied us the privilege. We are not over anxious to get married; but wish that one of us at least might get a husband, merely to answer the purpose of a gallant. But we see no prospect of this, as we have no way of making acquaintance with the men. If we were to countenance visits from them, it would be regarded as improper in us; and, besides, every gentleman would probably be restrained by the hazard of being set down at once as a "mortgaged man." That social intercourse, you know, which permits acquaintance before the marriage contract, is not customary here; but is left for the parties to commence afterwards, when they have an opportunity to ascertain what kind of a bargain they have made. as But one of us would be willing to take the chance for "better or worse" in this way, we have thought of the expedient of getting introduced into company by means of a sham brother or cousin, and securing the first man that offers. We have been discouraged from this plan, however, as we are told that in mixed circles there is a habit of distance prevails that the men appear wrapt in a sort of stupid dignity in one corner; and the women in groupes, as if alarmed by a thunder-storm, or some other cause of apprehension, in another that those of the men, who think any thing of themselves, are not disposed to offer civilities, where they are not expected; and the few, who make themselves cheap, are of course considered of no value. So that there seems to be no chance of any thing but a blank in this lottery. Such are the restraints of our situation; as we conceive. But as we have so little means of judging for ourselves; it is possible, we may be under a misapprehension. If so, we shall be glad to be informed of it; or to learn that we are not doomed to our present state of imprisonment for life. It is true, we exist comfortably; and endeavour to appear as charming, and make ourselves as entertaining to each other as possible; but we find it rather a dull business. Yours, LETITIA CHEERFUL. To the Confidant. Sir-I TOOK my wife to a large party last week. Our entertainment was splendid, and the company seemed to be generally in excellent spirits. But as it far excelled our last, in brilliance, my madam has been gloomy and excessively peevish ever since. She must either give another, in a style of extravagance which I cannot support, or she will go out no more, or there must be some successful measure adopted, to cure this ridiculous and ruiaous competition. What is to be done? S. S. L. To the lovers of Natural Philosophy. Ir is a fact, that if a wheel be so placed that the axis, on which it turns, shall make an angle with the fixed surface under it, say of 45 degrees, when it is set in motion, the friction or pressure on the upper gudgeon will diminish, and that more and more, in proportion as the revolutions are more rapid. That is, the elevated end of the axis will have a tendency to become vertical. What is the cause? To those who are versed in Natural History. Has any naturalist accounted for the well known fact, that wild quadrupeds and fowls of a certain species, are generally of a determined, uniform colour; and domestick animals of the same species, are of various colours? AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES. it. No writings are better calculated than {We are happy to see such observations as the follow-those of the Roman and Grecian poets, histori- IT has been remarked, that " in this country tion of a Parsons. As a citizen of New-York, thorship indeed, as a profession our pretensions are small. But as the use of the English language is not within the definition of treason, and cannot be interdicted even by a nonintercourse with the mother country, we may continue to get our intellectual supplies from her, although the war should continue. But to preserve our character of even secondchop English, as we are called by the Chinese, it is necessary to reform our system of education, and unite the substance to the forms of learning. A little learning is a more dangerous thing, than our first reflections would suggest. Lawyers of "little learning" commonly supply the want of it by low stratagem, or knavery in the disguise of cunning. They are vultures that gnaw the vitals of society, In their hands, the law, instead of being the "harmony of the world," is its torment and scourge. The only way of making the profession honourable and useful, is to make it learned. It is the obvious tendency of knowledge and of classical literature in particular, to destroy low desires and grovelling propensities, and to humanize the heart and polish the mind. If there is any force in the foregoing observations, is it not important to reform our system of education? And would that be an insurmountable task? Why might not the regents of the University put the academies in this state on the footing of Eton and Westminster, and other great schools in England. Let all books except the Greek and Latin classicks be banished from those institutions, and let a course of classical studies be prescribed for the several forms or classes of boys. Then let our colleges require a ready knowledge of the classick writers as the terms of admission. Such a regulation might for a few years diminish the size of the catalogue; but their diplomas would confer more honour on the graduates, and the alumni would in due time raise the reputation of their alma mater. This change in our system would be as favourable to the interest of science, as to that of classical literature. As the boy would gain a competent knowledge of the languages at school, the business of the young man at college would be to furnish his mind with science; thus, without increasing the expense or extending the time allowed for a liberal education, the graduate at our colleges would acquire a just title to the "Jura privilegia, Dignitates, Honores, et insignia quae hic aut uspiam gentium ad gradum Baccalaurealem evectis concedi solent.” PHILOLOGOS. LETTERS TO LEINWHA, Teacher of Morality in the Recesses of Latinguin, from a Wanderer in the West. LETTER V. THE fairest hopes of man are blasted in a moment, and when he fancies himself secure, at the very summit of felicity, he is most in danger of being hurled from the enjoyment. While I yet write, a pestilence desolates the city; and thousands are swept into eternity, unpaid of their last honours! Death, who outstrips the fleeting feet of Fear, seems impatient of Time, and the only consolation left to the afflicted, is the certainty of following those whom he has taken away. It would harrow up thy heart, Leinwha, son of Tsi-fo-yang, to behold the excess of grief in those, whose minds are not disciplined by philosophy, and who seem in their first paroxysm to forget, that death is the best gift from heaven to man. .....As all communication with you will be now awhile cut off, and the avenues to the SOME dozen years ago, (you may rely the fact on,) In Concord's neighbourhood, Say, if you please, at Acton, An honest farmer by the name of Morse, Yoked up his team, two oxen and a horse, Morse, having sold his load, With pocket-full of cash, Went to a store to buy some trash, With which his girls and boys might cut a dash, Standing demurely, And, as 't might seem, Securely, Beside the road. Mean while, (the Destinies so dried and cut it,) To tow a hog across the way, and put it Sambo call'd up the order of the day, In style half way between the Parliament and Pope, By tying round the nose of the minority A most provoking rope ; And then, to show a little brief authority, And do the thing in quite a summ'ry way, He mov'd the previous question to proceed, Which to the hog, who saw no reason why His domicil Must thus be left against his will, Seem'd very odd indeed. Sambo said yea, The hog said nay, And so it was a tye. But still the hog, so 's not the point to yield, Kept up the loud debate, and squeal'd ; Asserting stoutly, That, while the privilege of speech was his, He most devoutly Would never cease To raise his feeble voice t' oppose The tying ropes about his nose. Sambo, perceiving things grow worse and worse, His weaken'd power still growing weaker, Doubting what ways and means to take, Made fast the rope about a stake. His rolling snow-white eyes soon 'spied The listening horse, (Who ap'd the speaker all along By doing nought but hold his tongue ;) And thus right eloquent he cried. "Masser speaker, "Me got a notion "You make to come along dis hang-back shoat, "By give de casting vote "On Mr. Sambo's motion." This said, he took the horse incog, The hog soon found the motion must prevail, But still against such double dealing, The horse now thought the very devil So, leaving Sambo in the rear, And now the hog, athwart the town, That all was lost." Sambo farewell!-if aught my verse can do, Meanwhile a multitude proceeded And now they came to where the horse But still for fear some sable rogue The horse kept on, to make the matter sure, And thus the owner of the hog "I've found you out! "You dare to hook your horse to my hog's snout!" "Hold," interrupted Morse, "you brazen elf! "You know you hitch'd him on yourself!" Both earnest seem'd alike, and none could tell Which spoke the truth, or counterfeited well. "You've kill'd my hog," said one ; "You've spoil'd my horse," said 'other; And thus they made a deal of fun By troubling one another. "At length they all took sides, and prov'd most clearly, Dame Truth, at last, awhile forsaken, Dispers'd the libels, on both horse and hog, Just as the sun dispels a fog. "O fortunati ambo!" (I mean the horse and Sambo) Fame shall repeat the tale, If aught my verse avail How running sav'd you, each ; Not so the hog's departure, He fell a noble martyr To the liberty of speech. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR THROUGH A grove as I wander'd alone, I was struck with a heart-piercing moan, I approach'd; 'twas the plaint of a maid, While I listen'd to learn her sad tale, "A sweet daughter, to me constant-hearted, I cheer'd him, while fault'ring he sped She look'd-but she knew him no longer, She talk'd of the moon- -“ it is shaded,” 'Twas too late-from a cliff's dizzy steep I erected a stone on the spot ; The mad father, though she is no more, FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR MYRA, wouldst thou still possess When sorrows press, in smiles array'd To hold my heart and triumph there. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED FOR JOHN PARK, BY MUNROE & FRANCIS, NO. 4 CORNHILL. Subscribers may be supplied with the preceding numbers. DEVOTED TO POLITICKS AND BELLES LETTRES. VOL. I. POLITICAL. FOR THE BOSTON SPECTATOR. THE INTEGRITY OF THE UNITED STATES BOSTON, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 19, 1814. was Utility. By the law of nature, we should The federal constitution was the production What may become of the federal constitution, I admit, may perhaps be of little consequence; at least, that is not what we are most interested to maintain: but the integrity of the territory, under a common government. A FEW years ago, there seemed to exist among all parties, a morbid sensibility, when the possibility of a dissolution of the Union was mentioned. I call it morbid, because one could not utter the terms, whatever he might propose to say on the subject, without exciting a stare of terrour and suspicion on all around him. Men seemed to have wholly forgotten what is the use and end of goverment-How ours became desirable, and how it might cease to be so. Many essays were published by the friends of a perpetuated Union, to show how the measures pursued by our rulers tended to endanger the federal compact; and, I believe, in every instance such men were set down as separatists as recommending the very result they were labouring to prevent. Such likewise was the fate of our publick speakers, among whom, Mr. QUINCY was a striking instance. This gentleman, well acquainted with the purposes for which our federal constitution was planned and adopted, and seeing those purposes abandoned or frustrated by the measures of administration, could but foresee, that men would, sooner or later, awake to their interests; and if the operation of publick measures continued only to injure, oppress, degrade and impoverish a large section of the Union, that this section, acting only as rational beings must be expected to act, would inevitably refuse, at no very distant period, to make further sacrifices, for which they receiv-southern brethren, and we can either defend or ed no colour of indemnification. This apprehension he forcibly expressed in Congress, and was trumpeted throughout the Union, as being an enemy to the federal relation; democrats unequivocally declared him such, and very many federalists implicitly yielded to their misrepresentation. It has been said, that the limits of the United States were too extensive, to be preserved under one government. But there appears to be no force in this objection. The Roman empire was once too extensive; for it was difficult and almost impossible for the arm of government to reach the remote, disjointed parts, to maintain subordination, and prevent encroachments. But young and weak as we were, during the last revolution, the New Englanders found little difficulty in transporting themselves to South Carolina. We fought the battle for our Mari keep them in order again, when it shall be The protraction and augmentation of our sufferings has, however, produced a great change in the state of popular opinion. I have heard men of very sober habits express a seri- The distinct interests to be found in differous belief, that if this process of increasing the ent sections of the American empire have been national debt goes on, but a little longer, with urged by others, as an objection to a unity of its present rapidity, this eastern part of the government. A very able writer has recently Union, which has uniformly protested against treated the subject of these collisions, in this this occasion of present. loans, and future bur-paper, in a very striking and impressive manthens which must make slaves of themselves ner. He has not only proved, that they exist and their posterity, will never pay it ! Urder in fact, but that they are to be practically, tracthe pressure of great calamity, the mind nat-ed, in the measures of government, to the very urally seeks some refuge, some hope; and as there appears to be none, from the tyrannical disposition of our rulers, a majority of whom, geographically defined, are inveterately against us, the possibility of relief by dissolving the Union, and establishing distinct governments, is now frequently both suggested and listened to, with a considerable degree of complacency. The writer of these remarks ever was most cordially averse to this idea: not that he is actuated by any bigoted notions of an obligation, which does not exist in nature, to live in misery, and entail it upon our successors, merely because we once agreed to be a united people. The only basis of that agreement, great disadvantage of one portion of the gov- NO. VIII. us, a foreign power. As every man in this section of the Union must feel, that this is positively our present situation, I shall not waste paper and time to enumerate the many evidences which might be adduced, to prove it. Every list of Yeas and Nays, in Congress, on any great question, affecting our interests shows to a demonstration, that we are a province within the republick, enjoying a voice in the management of our concerns, heard only to be silenced; and a representation answering no purpose so effectually, as to show the world our degradation; by no means in talent, or in the justice of our cause, but in political consequence. It cannot be surprising, that men of spirit, indeed any men, thus suffering wrong and disgrace, in the first burst of indignation, should be disposed to separate, and should say, let us then leave them to themselves, and let us establish a government of our own, by which our rights will be secured; our liberties and our prosperity be restored. If there were no other alternative, this expedient would undoubtedly be judicious, and, in event, predominate, over the venal opposition of those ministerial satellites, among us, who are bribed out of the common feelings of citizens, and serve themselves by aiding to ruin those around them. But there are many reasons to recommend a different policy; and these I shall submit on a future occasion. Impressment....Naturalization. Ir ever a Peace takes place between Great Britain and the United States, it will probably terminate in stipulations, the effect of which will be more favourable to her interests with respect to seamen, than that state of things which has hitherto existed. By the abuse of the right of impressment, it is true that some native Americans have been forcibly dragged into the British service. We use the strong terms of those, who have been bitter in their complaints on this subject, for we are disposed to meet the fact in its most obnoxious character. The number has been but few; yet if they were but a hundred, it is a hundred too many. The nation had a right to their services, and they had a right to personal freedom. It is to be remembered, however, that this abuse was never countenanced by any act of the British government; the wrong has grown out of individual outrage, and would undoubtedly have been effectually remedied, long since, if we had desired that, and that alone; if we had not persevered in asserting claims, extending beyond the rights of our own citizens, and very injurious to Great Britain. But, if we view the question abstractedly from the rights of the subject and citizen, I believe it must be acknowledged that Great Britain, as a nation, has been ten times as much injured as the United States, with respect to this famous dispute concerning seamen for I presume there is not an American, in any degree acquainted with the facts, who will not admit, that we have had ten British born subjects under our flag, where they have had one native American. The different |