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As we have said, the United States documents comprise in their tables the precious metals and coins; and we find that for the decennial period

there was

108,000,000

397,000,000

102,000,000

424,000,000

111,000,000

553,000,000

114,000,000

675,000,000

:

Foreign Flags.

Total.

Francs.

Francs.

55,000,000

397,000,000

82,000,000

424,000,000

133,000,000

553,000,000

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A certain portion of American commerce does not make in the official estimates the appearance that it really deserves. In every sea this kind of commerce is carried on by American vessels directly from the place of production to the place of consumption, without touching at any American port, and in consequence it is not included in the estimates submitted to Congress. This important part of American trade cannot be ascertained, and then very imperfectly, but by a long and laborious investigation, for which purpose it would be necessary to examine the estimates of imports and exports from India, China, Brazil, Cuba, the ports of the Mediterranean, the Hanse Towns, and the north seas of Europe, between which the communications are frequently effected by American vessels. It must be understood that the tables furnished by the government of the Union express but a part of the elements of the prosperity of this new country. The United States have found in their fertile soil, their vigilant industry,

and in the happy effects of their constitution, the means of furnishing, for foreign consumption, an enormous mass of natural products. During the decennial period materials were produced to the amount of

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making a total of nearly 3,000,000,000 of francs, gathered directly from the soil.

The importance of these products, the fisheries, timber, &c., render less notable the tardiness in the development of manufactures. The employment, however, of machinery, and the advantage of having the materials directly at hand, have already increased the exportation of cotton goods to an amount, during the decennial period, exceeding 88,000,000 of francs, of which near twelve millons were for the year 1835–36.

SECTION VI.-GENERAL VIEW OF THE COMMERCIAL PROSPECTS OF FRANCE. Statistics are not a dead-letter from which no instruction is to be drawn. We must, however, guard against too absolute conclusions in view of the difficulty we have in comparing and authenticating our facts. It is also necessary to take the precaution of examining the circumstances accompanying or following the periods we have under consideration. Thus, the movement of commercial affairs in 1836 has given rise to the greatest errors. It has been taken as an exemplification of the principle of permanent increase, whereas it ought to be looked upon as a year of extraordinary excitement and immoderate overtrading throughout the globe. General commerce ought to augment with the civilized populations, and the increase of their means and appliances of industry, but it would be very erroneous to estimate any such progress by a comparison of 1826 and 1836. We have seen how much the affairs of this year have been modified by a combination in the years 1837 and '38. Not that we attach any such great importance to the grouping of years in periods which we have adopted, we simply follow this method because we think it serves very well to express the influence of historical events upon the progress of commerce, and to reduce, by an average of several years, the liability to mistakes if we examine the facts of only one.

The backward movement that took place during the years 1837 and '38 has already ceased, and will probably be followed by a new era of progression. Is France ready to join in and to profit by this change? To resolve this question it is necessary to return to a consideration of some of the details of the statistics we have already presented. The laudations that a nation may bestow upon itself frequently have but a slight foundation, and are useful only to cover and conceal the complaints of that portion of society who have a just perception of the evils that exist, and that ought to be remedied. Let us then, without any self-glorifying assertions, examine into the true indications of the progess of our commerce and our prospects of future prosperity. Let us see what we have to expect; and in doing so, let it be borne in mind that the comparisons we have to institute are between France, with a population of thirty-three millions, and Great Britain with twenty-four millions, and the United States with thirteen millions.

Imports, despite the false theories of political economy, are the sign of

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the wealth and industry of a country. In France they may be embraced in three divisions,-first, those employed in satisfying the wants of consumers; second, those that are reshipped for foreign countries; and third, the balance, when there is any, that goes to form a reserve in entrepôt, or in transit.

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Such is the division of French imports, which together amounted—

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We see from this that the increase of French importations is almost wholly owing to the increase of that part which is resold to foreign

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France.

Official Value.-Francs.

1,685 66

The exportations of products of the soil and of native industry were

United States.
Real Value.

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Great Britain. Declared Value. 4,063 millions.

868 millions.

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1,647

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We must not forget to remark that the precious metals are not included in the documents of France or Great Britain, and that the official valuation surpasses by a considerable proportion the real value.

In the exportations, the foreign merchandise reshipped is also included. But can this commerce, which has increased so rapidly, be said to belong to France ? 'Tis true it takes place on our territory, and helps to swell our estimate, but if we look to the bottom of the subject we will find that we have very little interest in it; that it goes on under our eyes, but without any of us taking any part in it. Other nations have found our geographical position commodious, and have made our territory a rendezvous where they traffic among themselves; and our laws in relation to the transit of goods have given rise to a kind of commerce, of which the variations are owing to causes entirely foreign to our country.

The United States, England, Switzerland, Germany, Prussia, and the East Indies, have sent to us articles not entering into our consumption, amounting, in the period from 1827 to 1829, to 146 millions of francs, and from 1833 to 1835, 334 millions. On the other hand, our exportation of articles of foreign growth amounted, for the United States, Switzerland, Germany, and the Sardinian States alone, to ninety-five millions, from 1827 to 1829, and 297 millions from 1833 to 1835. This increase of the commerce of exchanges through our territory is a remarkable fact, but what renders it particularly worthy of observation is the certainty that all this great trade is carried on without the concurrence of our citizens, that they participate in it neither with their capital or with their ships. Switzerland demands from the United States and England, cotton, indigo, and other commodities. The United States, on their side, resort to the labor of the Swiss and Germans for silks, ribbons, linens, and cloths, which form the lading of their packets at Havre. All this kind of trade unregistered in our official statements and documents, gives a false appearance of life to our commercial relations, and augments their importance by hundreds of millions. The exportation of the products of our own soil in the mean time has increased so little, that if we make allowance for the difference between the official valuation and the real value, we shall find perhaps that we have rested stationary for the nine years.

It remains to examine an important branch, that of shipping, and to consider the comparative progress of navigation foreign to the country, in France, England, and the United States.

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2,822 415

2,919

From 1827 to 1829, . 990 1,320 5,957 2,106
From 1830 to 1832, 932 1,195 6,632 2,306
793
From 1832 to 1835, 1,076 1,467 6,960 2,516 3,676 1,705

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The figures speak for themselves, and demonstrate that we are resting stationary, while our rivals are advancing. But there are some other points which, if examined, will leave no doubt upon the mind of any one. French shipping is either reserved and exclusive, as that to our colonies or the fisheries, or it is shared in common with foreign commerce, with only the protection of the differential duties of the customhouse. As to

this last, in which is to be found the proof of our commercial force and spirit, we shall be pardoned if we recur once more to the figures which express its condition.

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That is to say, that in the relations of France with other countries, our vessels are employed only to a little more than one quarter of the whole. After a quarter of a century of peace, can any thing be imagined more deplorable than such a result? Still more, if we analyze the causes which have enabled us to preserve even this fourth part of the shipping which enters and clears from our ports, we shall find that we have been compelled to have recourse, as far as England is concerned, to a "reciprocity of commercial repulsion," to protect our shipping in the India trade, by duties equivalent to several times the amount of the freights, and to encourage voyages to the eastern islands, by the most exorbitant immunities; which, on the other hand, have destroyed our commerce with Hayti, and perhaps deprived the inhabitants of that island of the means of discharging their obligations to us.

The prosperity of the merchant marine depends upon the commercial progress of a nation, for in the present day every nation employs as much as possible its own vessels in its own trade. Without a merchant marine there can be no military marine; and this last, as we have seen at Navarino, Algiers, in the Tagus, and lately in South America, is one of the most sure bases of political preponderance and power. Well may we be astonished at the neglect that has been manifested, particularly since the revolution of 1830, in the councils of the nation, for our true commercial interests. Such, however, are the fruits of the perseverance with which the system adopted under the empire, and carefully preserved by succeeding governments, has been followed. The supporters of it pretend that the internal prosperity of the country is ensured by the prohibition of the products of foreign labor. They do not seek to encourage exportation, but imagine they have gained every thing, when they have annihilated some branch of importation. They please themselves with exaggerated praises bestowed upon the industry of the country, and disguise the fact that we are being driven from the markets of the world. That while ignorant of the progress of our rivals, we are neglecting the new duties our country is called upon to fulfil. It is evidently a decline not to march at an equal pace with other nations, and such undoubtedly is our position in respect to that portion of commerce of which we speak.

We have had occasion, in an article in a former number of this review, to dilate upon the ideas which were excited by the grand ceremonies of the exhibition of the products of French industry-the fair of 1834. Since then, Charles Dupin, speaking in the name of the committee to whom was intrusted the decision upon the respective merits of the articles exhibited,

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