A Selection FROM THE SPEECHES, REPORTS, AND OTHER PUBLICATIONS OF JOHN C. CALHOUN, SUBSEQUENT TO HIS ELECTION AS VICE-PRESIDENT, (INCLUDING ALSO HIS FIRST SPEECH IN CONGRESS IN 1811), AND REFERRED TO IN HIS "LIFE." CONTENTS. Page I. Delivered in the House. of Representatives, December 19, 1811, in the Debate on the Second Resolution reported by the Committee of Foreign Relations II. Onslow in Reply to Patrick Henry-No. 1 III. Mr. Calhoun's Address, stating his Opinion of the Relation which the 9 14 22 27 IV. Mr. Calhoun's Letter to General Hamilton on the Subject of State Interposition 43 67 V. Speech against the Force Bill VI. Speech on his Resolutions, and Reply to Mr. Webster, February 26, 1833 VII. Speech on the Subject of the Removal of the Deposites from the Bank of the United States, January 13, 1834 VIII. Speech on Mr. Webster's Proposition to Recharter the United States IX. Speech delivered in the Senate of the United States, April 9, 1834, on the X. A Report on the Extent of Executive Patronage, February 9, 1835 XII. Speech on the Abolition Petitions, March 9, 1836 XIII. Speech on the Bill to prohibit Deputy Postmasters from receiving and XIV. Speech on the Reception of Abolition Petitions, February, 1837 98 122 138 XVI. Speech on the Bill for the Admission of Michigan, January 2, 1837 243 249 XVIII. Speech on the Bill authorizing an Issue of Treasury Notes, September 19, 1837 259 XIX. Speech on his Amendment to Separate the Government from the Banks, 275 XX. Speech on the Sub-treasury Bill, February 15, 1838 290 XXI. Speech in Reply to Mr. Clay, on the Sub-treasury Bill, March 10, 1838 309 . XXIV. Speech on the Report of Mr. Grundy, of Tennessee, in relation to the Assumption of the Debts of the States by the Federal Government, February 5, 1840 352 363 XXV. Speech on his Resolutions in reference to the Case of the Enterprise, March 13, 1840 378 XXVI. Speech on the Bankrupt Bill, June 2, 1840 390 XXVII. Speech on the Prospective Pre-emption Bill, January 12, 1841 XXVIII. Speech on the Bill to Distribute the Proceeds of the Public Lands, January 23, 1841. 403 417 XXIX. Speech in Reply to the Speeches of Mr. Webster and Mr. Clay, on Mr. 429 XXX. Speech on the Case of M'Leod, June 11, 1841 442 XXXI. Speech on the Distribution Bill, August 24, 1841 447 XXXII. Speech on the Treasury Note Bill, January 25, 1842 462 XXXIII. Speech in Support of the Veto Power, February 28, 1842 . 477 XXXIV. Speech on Mr. Clay's Resolutions in Relation to the Revenues and Expen ditures of the Government, March 16, 1842 489 XXXV. Speech on the Loan Bill, April 12, 1842 509 XXXVI. Speech on the Passage of the Tariff Bill, August 5, 1842 518 XXXVII. Speech on the Treaty of Washington, August, 1842. . 532 . 544 SPEECHES OF JOHN C. CALHOUN I. DELIVERED IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, DECEMBER 19, 1811, IN THE ter. DEBATE ON THE SECOND RESOLUTION REPORTED BY THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN RELATIONS. MR. SPEAKER-I understood the opinion of the Committee of Foreign Relations differently from what the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) has stated to be his impression. I certainly understood that the committee recommended the measures now before the house as a preparation for war; and such, in fact, was its express resolve, agreed to, I believe, by every member except that gentleman. I do not attribute any wilful misstatement to him, but consider it the effect of inadvertency or mistake. Indeed, the report could mean nothing but war or empty menace. I hope no member is in favour of the latA bullying, menacing system has everything to condemn and nothing to recommend it-in expense it almost rivals war. It excites contempt abroad and destroys confidence at home. Menaces are serious things, which ought to be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness as war itself; and should, if not successful, be invariably followed by war. It was not the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Grundy) that made this a war question. The resolve contemplates an additional regular force; a measure confessedly improper but as a preparation for war, but undoubtedly necessary in that event. Sir, I am not insensible to the weighty importance of this question, for the first time submitted to this house, to compel à redress of our long list of complaints against one of the belligerants. According to my mode of thinking, the more serious the question, my conviction to support it must be the stronger and more unalterable. War, in. our country, ought never to be resorted to but when it is clearly justifiable and necessary; so much so as not to require the aid of logic to convince our understanding, nor the ardour of eloquence to inflame our passions. There are many reasons why this country should never resort to it but for causes the most urgent and necessary. It is sufficient that, under a government like ours, none but such will justify it in the eyes of the people; and were I not satisfied that such is the present case, I certainly would be no advocate of the proposition now before the house. Sir, I might prove the war, should it follow, to be justifiable, by the express admission of the gentleman from Virginia; and necessary, by facts undoubted and universally admitted, such as he did not attempt to controvert. The ex tent, duration, and character of the injuries received; the failure of those peaceful means heretofore resorted to for the redress of our wrongs, are my proofs *that it is necessary. Why should I mention the impressment of our seamendepredation on every branch of our commerce, including the direct export trade, continued for years, and made under laws which professedly undertake to regulate our trade with other nations? negotiation, resorted to again and again, till it became hopeless, and the restrictive system persisted in to avoid war, and in the vain expectation of returning justice? The evil still continued to grow. so that each succeeding year exceeded in enormity the preceding. The question, even in the opinion and admission of our opponents, is reduced to this sin B |