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planation of these amendments, they were ordered to be printed, and the farther consideration of the bill was postponed to Monday next.

WESTERN NATIONAL ROAD.

Mr. BEECHER moved that the House go into committee of the whole on the bill for the continuation of the Cumberland road. The motion prevailed-ayes 57, noes 55.

The House went into committee accordingly, Mr. STERLING in the chair, on the bill; which was read. When

[H. of R.

tion on the part of the state was the exoneration of the public lands within it from taxes for a time; but the amount thus remitted was not equal to what the state had paid out. They had been told that a great amount of school lands had been given by the General Government to the Western states. He denied the position: not a foot of school land had ever been given to the state of Ohio: they had all been purchased. He granted that the reservation of the lots for education out of the public lands, originated in a benevolent principle on the part of the General Government. But, it was also true, that that reservation had been a benefit to the Government. The object of it was to aid the sale of the public lands, by holding out to settlers the benefits of a provision for the education of their children. The buyer looked at this provision, and considered it as a part of what he was purchasing when he paid for his land. This gave value to the public land, and brought money into the Treasury of the General Government. These school lands were, therefore, not to be considered as a gift. The reservation, no doubt, operated as a great benefit to the West. Yet the benefit was strictly mutual. There were, indeed, some cases where land had been granted to endow colleges, and the like, which had more the appearThis intention was made known, when the lands were set up for sale, and it helped to raise their price, and led to a more rapid improvement of the public property. Mr. B. said he had made these observations because it had been said, not only out of doors, but on the floor of this House, and at the last session of Congress, that the General Government had done every thing for the Western States; that it had been most liberal towards them; nay, that it had civilized them—and, therefore, the West must not even ask for any thing more. He did not ask the road in this bill as a donation to the Western States-but he asked it as a great national object, and on principles of national policy. In the first place, it would prove a connecting link between the country on the Mississippi and the Atlantic seaboard. Its importance on this ground had been too often discussed, and too long and universally admitted, to be disputed now. In the next place, he would consider it in relation to an objection which had been urged in the debate on internal improvements, viz. that that system would give general offence by leading to an unequal distribution of the public moneys; that revenue would be collected at one extremity of the Union, and expended at another. It was true that every government ought to be just as well as liberal, and dispense its benefits with an equal hand. But how does the principle apply to the actual state of things? What has already been done in the expenditure of the public funds? Fifteen millions of dollars were expended annually, and what proportion of it went west of the Allegany mountain? Go into the states of Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and see what proportion of what those states paid into the Treasury, was expended within their own bounds. He would not enumerate the expenditures of the Government-all must know that almost the whole of them were on this side of the mountains-though the population was not as one to fifteen. The whole of the public money expend

Mr. BEECHER, of Ohio, rose, and observed, that the subject to which he was now about to call the attention of the House, was one which had been before Congress, in one form or other, for nearly a quarter of a century. The object of the present bill was merely the continuation of a great national road, long since planned, and in part executed. It was an undertaking that did honor to this nation, which, even in its incipient stage, had already been productive of great utility; but which, when completed, would be of the highest importance to the public welfare. He would not devote any time to a discussion of the constitutionality of the object proposed. The power of Congress to appropriate money for pur-ance of a gift; but still it was done on the same principle. poses of internal improvement had lately undergone a very full discussion on this floor, and it would be only a waste of time to travel again over the arguments which had been adduced. He took it for granted that the question was now at rest. He conceived that the sense of the nation was by this time well understood as being in favor of a system of internal improvement, to be conducted on enlarged principles, and with a view to the good of the whole Union. The wisdom of such a system was acknowledged by many who were opposed to commencing it in any particular part of the country, but who thought that there must first be a general survey of the whole ground, and then that the various parts of the plan should be begun in different parts of the Union at the same time. He was of opinion that such a scheme was altogether impracticable, and that it was impossible that every object should be delayed till all of them could go on together. Was there any necessity of this mutual suspicion? Could the members of this confederacy, and of this House, think so injuriously of each other as to suppose that they would abandon the system as soon as each district of the country had secured its own object? For himself, he should blush at such an idea. He knew of no valid objection to making a beginning of the system now. The object he advocated was not the thought of a moment. As early as the year 1800, Congress had set about the design of consolidating, by the means of mutual and easy intercourse, the interests of the South and the West with those of the Eastern parts of our Union. The design had met with much opposition; but the good sense of the House had seen the propriety of the measure-it had met the exigency; and, triumphing over prejudice, had accomplished the beginning of an object which, if pursued and carried out, would lead to results of the most important and valuable nature. This was not to be viewed as a merely Western object. Thus far, it had been of more benefit to the East than to the West. It must be viewed, so far, as an Eastern ex-ed in Kentucky would not amount to what the mere penditure. Although the funds out of which it had been made were collected in part from the scattered and scanty pecuniary resources of the Western states, who, feeling an interest in the success of a great national object, had willingly contributed to aid it, yet, it had been to them an Eastern object. The people who first settled in Ohio had to make great sacrifices to do this; but they had cheerfully put their hands into their pockets-and they had done so on great national principles.

collection cost on the east of the Allegany. Many of the objects of the expenditure had no existence to the West. Your forts, your light-houses, your navy, the whole civil list, with the exception of one or two judges, and the Representatives in Congress, existed to the East, and there went the greater part of all that was expended for the army. What equality was here? It could not be maintained for a moment. But now a great national work was proposed, which, so far as it went, was calcuIt had been said by some, that what they contributed lated to make the balance less unequal, and as such it was not a gift. True, it was not. Neither was the road was deserving of the favorable regard of this House. a gift on the part of the United States, The considera-The mere expenditure of the money which this road

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Western National Road.

[JAN. 12, 1825.

less disputing, less heart-burning, among us. If this principle were not acted on, the great benefit of our confederation must be lost entirely.

would cost, would itself be a great benefit to Ohio, and away selfishness, if we would rightly serve our country; he hoped it was not unjust that they should have a share that we should look on all her interests as our own. of the public expenditure, as well as others. The en- Did this principle always prevail, the business of legistire sum would not be equal to what was now expend-lation would be better done. There would be less strife, ed in some small ports on the Atlantic coast. The building of a single frigate would cost as much as the whole road now asked for. He did not wish to be understood as complaining of the expenditures to the East; he had himself always been in favor of authorizing whatever was needed for the national welfare-he had supported the appropriation for the Navy, as well as those for Fortifications-so have the western members in general, although they might, in some sense, be said to be uninterested in those expenditures. They viewed them as tending to the common benefit of the nation, and they had cheerfully supported them,

On the same principle he hoped that the object for which he was pleading, would meet with the support of gentlemen from other states. The effect would be to increase the confidence of the people of the West in the General Government. It was not necessary to be liberal, to shower your benefits on those people, to attach the West to the General Government. They were disposed to cleave to that Government, nor could any thing but the most extraordinary injustice, and ill treatment, cast them off from its side. This was the proper period to act, while the power of the nation was where it was at present-a liberal policy, if now pursued, would set a lesson to posterity, when the physical force of the nation may reside in a different part of it. As the example should now be set, might the benefits be looked for which would follow it.

He would now endeavor to show, that the two per cent. of the amount of the sales of the public lands, which had been pledged to this object, would never be reimbursed. The expenditure of that two per cent. would never reimburse the 1,600,000 dollars which were already expended. He would state candidly that the money granted for the continuation of the road must not be viewed as a loan, to be repaid by the Government; it must be viewed as money expended on a great national object. An appropriation had been made five years ago for a general survey of the road from Wheeling to the Mississippi. The directions given were, to locate the road as far as the appropriation would go. This had been done from Wheeling to Zanesville. From the western bank of the Ohio to the eastern bank of the Muskingum, the road, as now travelled, was about 82 miles; as located, it would be less than 80 miles. To finish this length of the public road, would require about $450,000, perhaps less, but it was not now contemplated to ask an appropriation for the whole. All that he at present sought was, that a commencement should be made, and made with the clear understanding that the road was to go on. To grant, at this time, less than $100,000, would be almost useless. An agent must be employed to make contracts, and superintend, &c. and the expense This road was not asked to benefit Ohio exclusively. of employing him would be as great if $100,000 were By granting it, Congress would but pursue an object appropriated as if 200,000? and, believing that the latter which was dear to a great part of these United States. sum would be sufficient to commence this work, he The road had been completed as far as the eastern bank moved to fill the blank with two hundred thousand dolof the Ohio. It was now ready to be continued to the lars. He trusted that the flattering prospects of the Gowest of that river. Sixteen hundred thousand dollars had vernment would warrant the appropriating of this sum, been expended upon it within the limits of Pennsylvania, without danger of inconvenience; and if a like amount Virginia, and Maryland. It was now to go into Ohio; were given next year, it would be sufficient. A great and, in doing so, it would only go where it was contem- and beneficial public measure would thus be commencplated in the original plan. From 1800 to the presented; the money would be thrown into circulation among time, all the legislation respecting it went on the sup- our own citizens; it would be expended in the bosom of position that the road should be continued as now pro our own country, and would return to the Treasury with posed. As it now remained, it was but an entrance to interest, after having improved the market for our prothe four western states. A clause in the law expressly duce, bound the extremities of the nation in closer ties, stipulated that the whole of the two per cent. reserved strengthened mutual confidence, attached the people to from the sale of the public lands, might be expended their Government, and promoted the general strength east of the river; but this was not the original idea.- and prosperity of our common country. The original plan was, that three per cent. out of the five, reserved in Ohio, should be spent in Ohio, and two per cent. on a road to Ohio. Then came the law extending the road through Ohio to Indiana. Then another to extend it through Indiana to Illinois; and then through Illinois to the Mississippi. The constant understanding, however, from the very beginning, was, that the road was ultimately to reach the Mississippi. The object was a grand one. It would connect the Seat of Government, by a journey of ten days, with a part of the Union that could not now be reached in thirty days. He hoped it would be viewed not as a local or a state object, but as an interest of the whole Union. So far as the nation had hitherto acted respecting it, it had acted with no narrow or local views. This had been treated as an important feature in a grand system of Internal Improvements, and it had been viewed on principles of united national advantage. He knew perfectly that every farm, or every village or town, cannot be benefited alike by any great object of this kind; but could it be that there was in this House any man, of mind so narrow and contracted, as not to further a national interest, unless the particular benefit of his own village was advanced by it? If there was one such man on this floor, he must pronounce him unfit to be a legislator for such a country as ours. It requires that we should cast

Mr. COOK, of Illinois, then rose, and observed, that he should not say any thing in addition to what had fallen from the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. Bɛɛcaen,) respecting the national expenditures east of the mountains. Independent of that consideration entirely, the Western scates had a claim upon the General Government, for the road now proposed, and not only for so much of it as was now proposed, but for its continuation quite to the Mississippi. But, as the Representative of the state of Illinois, Mr. C. said he could not consent that so much of the two per cent. on the sale of public lands, as was set apart for the benefit of that state, should go to be expended at so great a distance from it. He would not, indeed, adopt the principles and spirit of Shylock, in pressing the bond of the General Government to the state he represented, but as its representative, he could never give his vote to take a fund pledged for her benefit, and lay it out on so distant an object as a road of eighty miles from Wheeling to Zanesville, in the state of Ohio. He would not take what the munificence of the General Government (for he would call it by that name,) had set apart to make a road to Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, to be spent on a road, which did not approach either of them; nor would he consent that money, granted for the road now proposed, should be charged on that fund. Indiana had

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surrendered her rights as a sovereign state, (the right to tax lands for five years after sale,) on condition that Congress would apply two per cent. on the sale of public lands to the construction of roads leading to the state. For his own part, he was not so sanguine as to the prospect of seeing a great national turnpike completed, as the gentleman from Ohio seemed to be. He did not expect that that object would be accomplished in his life time, should he reach the ordinary age of man. Nor was he willing to postpone the road to his own state till that national object was accomplished, and the present generation had passed away; and he had long since made up his mind not to vote for the appropriation of any more money which was to be charged on the two per cent. fund, unless it went to carry the road entirely through. Congress had appropriated two per cent. to the making of a road leading to Illinois. The gentleman from Ohio proposes to pledge it for a road three hundred miles short of the bounds of Illinois. I will not consent to this. If I did, I should be censured, and justly, by those who sent me here as the guardian of their interests. The Legislatures of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, had each passed resolutions, calling on Congress for an appropriation to this object— it was an object of deep interest to all those states, and he should be departing from the instructions of his constituents, if he gave his vote for a road in Ohio only. In order to bring the subject fairly before the House, he would now move to strike out all that part of the bill which follows the enacting words, and substitute therefor the following:

"That the President of the United States be, and he is hereby authorized and empowered to appoint one impartial and judicious person, not being a citizen of either of the states through which the road hereinafter mentioned shall pass, to be a commissioner: and, in case of the death, resignation, refusal to act, or any disability, of any such commissioner, to appoint another in his stead, who shall have power, according to the provisions of the act, entitled 'An act to authorize the appointment of commissioners to lay out the road therein mentioned,' approved May the fifteenth, one thousand eight hundred and twenty, to complete the examination and survey heretofore commenced by virtue of the provisions of said act, and to extend the same to the permanent Seat of Government of the state of Missouri; the said road to conform, in all respects, to the provisions of the said recited act, except that it shall pass by the seats of Government of the states of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois; and the said commissioner, and the persons employed under him, shall receive the same compensation for their services, respectively, as is allowed by the said recited act.

[H. of R.

and marking the said road, and for compensating the said commissioner, for superintending the construction, there shall be, and is hereby appropriated, the sum of six thousand dollars, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated.

"Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That, for the purpose of defraying the expense of making and bridging said road, there shall be issued, under the direction of the President of the United States, in certificates or scrip, the said certificates, or scrip, to be of the nominal value of one hundred dollars each, an amount not exceeding two hundred thousand dollars, to be receivable only in payment for public lands at the several land offces in the United States; which said certificates, or scrip, shall be paid to the contractors employed in making the said road, so soon as their several contracts shall be complied with, and not before.

"Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the money hereby appropriated, and the certificates, or scrip, hereby authorized to be issued, shall be a charge upon the two per cent. fund, heretofore set apart and pledged by the several acts of Congress authorizing the admission of the states of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, into the Union, for the construction of roads and canals leading to those states, and shall be retained by the United States out of the first money coming into the Treasury and applicable to those objects."

Mr. BEECHER rose in reply-he declared himself to be disappointed, both in the quarter from which opposition had arisen, and in the principle on which it was founded. He thought he had stated, when first up, with sufficient distinctness, that the appropriation for this part of the road was a matter entirely distinct from the two per cent. reserved from the proceeds of the public lands. The gentleman from Illinois cannot but know that that is already pledged, and already expended; it had been laid out on a road "toward” the state of Illinois, which was the very language of the very act pledging it. He would not, however, cavil about this little two per cent, fund-he wished to place the present measure on a broad national basis—on the general principle of internal improvement. He was surprised to find that genman limiting his views as he had done, and narrowing himself into a mere agent for the State of Illinois. If every gentleman on this floor is to act on such a principle, this House will be converted into a hody of disor ganizers, and its acts must tend, not to union and national strength, but to separation and national weakness-it was by adopting larger and more noble principles that this nation was to grow and flourish. The gentleman insists on a road that shall reach Illinois-but how will he get it there? on the mere two per cent. fund? That whole fund was not sufficient to make the road through one county in Indiana-it would not even mark the road "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That, so soon as the plan and report of the commissioner so appointed, through that state-if this road is to be gone on with at shall be made to the President of the United States, all, it is to be done on the funds of the nation, and not and approved by him, he shall cause the said commis- on a pittance of a two per cent. fund. The gentleman sioner, as soon as may be, to issue a notice, to be printed wants to lay out a grand national road 500 miles long, in at least three of the public newspapers published on a fund that will never raise one million of dollars; no within the states aforesaid, and for at least three months not more than 700,000. But $1,600,000 has already previous to receiving the same, that proposals will be been expended, on this same fund, whether properly or received by him, at the places therein specified, and in not, is not the question. No, sir, said Mr. B. I ask gensuch manner as the President may deem it most advisa- tlemen, and I ask that gentleman, to meet me on princible to order them to be received, for opening said road, ples upon which alone either he or I can be benefitted in and bridging, with wooden bridges, such streams which this matter-on grand principles of general national it may cross, as shall be directed by the President to be advantage-principles which animated and gave success bridged, or such part or parts thereof, within such time, to those who first broached this measure-principles on, and in such manner, as shall be specified in said notice, which had been based the acts of 1803, of 1806, of 1812 which shall be, in all cases, let to the lowest bidder:-and on which all that had been done to this day had Provided, however, That nothing herein contained shall been avowedly founded. be construed to authorize the construction of a turnpike road.

For himself he had candidly placed the object before the House in its true light-as requiring a distinct appropriation for which there was "Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That, for the pur- to be no return from the two per cent. fund, or any othpose of paying the said commissioner, and those employer. The nation is about to make a road; and if the naed under lum, for their services in laying out, surveying, tion shall say it is best to begin it at the Mississippi river, VOL 1-13

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Western National Road.

[JAN. 12, 1825.

debt incurred for carrying on the road. If so, it was idle
to pledge that fund; and, as he now understood that the
gentleman was willing to strike out so much of the bill
as pledges it, and ask for an appropriation on national
grounds alone, he should have no objection to the bill.
But, as the views of the gentleman may have exc ted
some prejudice against the measure, he must take this
opportunity to protest against the view he had ex-
pressed of the two per cent. fund. He says it will never
yield above $700,000 Now, the extent of the three
States of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, is pretty well as-
certained. It is to be found in any of our statistical ta-
bles-and, if the gentleman will add these amounts to-
that, in those three States, there remain yet one hun-
dred and one million of acres to sell; which, at the mi-
nimum price fixed by law, will yield, when sold, to the
two per cent. fund, about two millions and a half of dol-
lars. (It is not an extravagant calculation to suppose
that all the lands will sell at the minimum price fixed by
price will be at least made up by that which brings a
greater.) As to the pledge of this fund for the payment
of the Cumberland road, he had already insisted that it
was in direct violation of the compact of Government
with those States. The words of the compact were ex-
plicit-it was reserved for a road from the Atlantic wa-
ters "to" those States. If the doctrine of the gentle-
man from Ohio, (Mr BEECHER,) is sound, the road might
have been begun at Boston, and, if it only pointed in a
direction toward Indiana and Illinois, the two per cent.
fund might be expended upon it, though the road ter-
minated at 500 or 1,000 miles from the bounds of either.
Such an idea never so much as entered the heads of the
members of the convention who assented to that com-
pact. He had not the honor to be one of them, but he
was present during all their proceedings and well knew
that they never could have conceived that such a mean-
ing would ever be given to the instrument. They did
not suspect that the Congress of the United States
would ever attempt to deceive them with words.
long as the pledge of this fund remains in the bill, the
gentleman who introduced it would find him perfectly
unyielding: but, if he will strike out that pledge, and
leave the House free to act as they may judge proper,
without any such engagement, he would lend the mea-
sure his support. But, if Congress should not consider
this road as a general national concern, and a benefit
due to the country through which it is to pass, but shall
insist on those States fulfilling the bond on their part,
he should, on behalf of his own, insist upon the whole
compact being fulfilled.

I will give that gentleman my hand to support the mea-
sure; but I presume it will be the opinion of the nation,
nay, I do not doubt the gentleman himself will allow
that it is better to begin where the road has now been
discontinued. This is the day to act; the season is now
as favorable as can be expected on any future occasion;
if any improvement is to be made on the national road,
let it be done where the road has been already surveyed;
when this has been effected, it will be time enough to
give pledges for more; unless it is intended to go on and
build the road, it will be unnecessary to carry the lo-
cation of it any further; it is now impassable where a
commencement only has been made; this must be first
finished, otherwise nothing will be gained, but he trust-gether and deduct that of the lands sold, he will find
ed it would be gone on with-and conducted as a great
national object for the general good; not for this town
or that town-for this state or for that state-but for the
whole Union. And he begged of the gentleman from
Illinois to give an opportunity to its friends to try whe-
ther or not the nation is now ready and disposed to make
a road, and whether it will appropriate for the comple-law-because that portion which will not bring that
tion of that which has already been surveyed; and he
felt that, by supporting the object, that gentleman, in-
stead of compromitting, will be advancing and securing
the true interests of his constituents.

So

Mr. JENNINGS, of Indiana, observed that he regret ted being obliged to oppose the bill; but he believed that the history of the measure, in its earlier stages, was not generally known or understood. In the original compact between the state of Ohio and the United States, two per cent. out of five per cent. of the proceeds of the public lands was reserved for the purpose of making a road from the navigable waters of the Atlantic to the navigable waters of the Ohio, and thence through the state of Ohio. The compact did not prescribe what kind of a road it should be, nor with what views it should be constructed, whether with a national view or not. Congress, in fulfilment of this contract, had thought proper to make such a road as was not to be found elsewhere in the United States; and they continued to carry it forward without considering what the fund pledged was likely to yield, till it came west of the Allegany mountains. They then found that the whole proceeds of the fund had been swallowed up, and more. Then an appropriation was asked to complete the road on the same scale; some difficulties arose; and, in 1819, the appropriation was made, with a proviso, the effect of which was completely to violate a contract with the state of Indiana. (Here Mr. J. quoted the act of 1819.) The compact with Indiana was not similar in its terms to that with Ohio-it prescribed a specific location for the road-but the appropriation could not be obtained on any other condition. Two years since a bill was intro- Mr. M'COY vindicated the Government from the duced into the House to repair the Cumberland road-charge of a violation of good faith. The fund had been and he had offered an amendment to it, with the express pledged to make a road toward Ohio, not from Boston, view of removing the restriction imposed on the fund but from this city. The Congress had done it not by the act of 1819; which, however, he was induced, through any oversight, but deliberately and advisedly. by the solicitations of his friends, to withdraw-he had Some difficulty was experienced in getting the money always thought, however, that the Government kept bad faith with the State of Indiana. He had a reason and an object in wishing that the road may be located, and opened afterward. The whole of the fund pledged has been expended, and the road for which it was first pledg ed is not even located. The State of Indiana has no authority to locate it. That can be done only by the General Government. So that all is kept in a state of suspense, and nothing can be done for want of a location. But, if this were once effected; if an appropriation were granted, first to locate the whole of the road, I would then be willing to give the gentleman enough to carry the road in a complete state to Zanesville.

Mr. COOK again rose and said, the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. BEECHER) and himself did not differ so widely as that gentleman seemed to suppose. He says the two per cent, fund will never be adequate to pay the

none whatever in getting the pledge. The road does lead toward Ohio. He concluded his remarks, (which being delivered in a very low tone of voice, were imperfectly heard by the reporter,) with expressing a hope that the amendment proposed by the gentleman from Illinois would not prevail.

Mr. TRIMBLE said he had risen, not with any intention of detaining the House, but for the purpose of shewing that the gentleman from Illinois had entirely mistaken the compact respecting the two per cent. If there was any one point in his whole argument which went on an entire misapprehension of fact, it was his view of this subject. When the original bond, as the gentleman from Illinois had called it, was entered into between the United States and Virginia, territory now occupied by four States was but a wilderness. It was yet under ter'ritorial government when the act of Congress passed al

JAN. 12, 13, 1825.]

Western National Road.-Suppression of Piracy.

[H. of R. & Sen.

viz: an agreement of Virginia with the United States on the subject of this road. Now I always had thought that the first agreement respecting it was made with Ohio. I never beard of such a compact as that he speaks of, He objects to my interpretation of the agreement of the General Government with Illinois, as though I wanted, on that agreement, a road to be constructed through my own state. But, sir, Missouri lies beyond Illinois, and if my construction be a sound one, as the fund of Missouri also is pledged, the road must reach Missouri, and will, of course, traverse Illinois. I hold, therefore, that my argument has not been shaken by the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. TRIMBLE) I shall, however, now withdraw the amendment I offered, and allow the gentleman from Ohio, (Mr. BEECHER,) an opportunity to get at work upon the road as soon as he can, assuring him that I shall rejoice in his success.

lowing the eastern division to form a State Government; and by the compact between that State and the United States, a reservation of two per cent. was agreed to on both sides, to be used in making roads from the navigable waters of the Atlantic to the state, Ohio, and through the same. Now, suppose those states were a territory st. ll, how would you begin the road agreed upon? You would begin, first, a road to it, and then you would car. ry the road through it; but the dividing of the territory into states had not changed the stipulation. And now, to examine the subject in relation to the gentleman's own state. He insists upon a literal fulfilment of the contract, and charges the General Government with having violated it by applying the two per cent. reserved to the expense of the Cumberland road. But what does the contract say? It says the reserve shall go to make a road to the state; and the gentleman is pleading that the road must be through the state. It is Mr. BEECHER then moved to strike out all that part himself that is violating the letter of the compact. (Nor of the bill which contains the pledge above alluded to. does this argument, for a liberal construction, come with He stated, in explanation, that the clause had been taka very good grace from the gentleman, who himself but en from the former acts, in all of which it was to be lately proposed that the road should be, in part, ex-found. When it was proposed in the committee which changed for a canal.) But the gentleman must remem- prepared the bill, to retain this clause, he was himself ber that there are two parties--the United States on the opposed to it-for he considered the pledge as amountone side, and his state on the other. Now the questioning to nothing, the fund being already expended. If this recurs where must the road, according to the compact, measure succeeded at all, it must succeed on grand na be commenced? Shall you begin it at the Mississippi? tional principles, and on these alone the appropriation This would be to begin by making the road through 11- must be made. He thought it best to be candid, and at linois, whereas he contract stipulates that the road shall once to place the object on its real grounds. He was first be made to that state, and the two per cent. is so confident that such a course in this House could never pledged. The construction of the gentleman is against operate to injure the bill. bot the letter and the spirit of the compact. Congress is at perfect liberty to pledge the two per cent. if they so please. For himself, Mr. T. said he felt very indifferent whether the pledge was given or not. But now, to come to the good sense of the matter, we have made the road, said Mr. T. as far as Wheeling; this is a road to the territory; we are now to make a road through it. Where shall we begin? At the point where the part already finished terminates? Or shall we go on with the whole at once? Good sense, he thought, would decide that the beginning should be made at Wheeling. There was the great thoroughfare to the West; the country was thickly settled and peopled; and the road would In compliance with two resolutions of the Senate, the at once produce the greatest benefits. Shall we leave first of the 21st and the second of the 23d December last, this and go to the sparsely peopled regions of Illinois ? requesting information respecting the injuries which He did not, however, intend to enter further into the have been sustained by our citizens, by piratical depresubject, having risen merely for the purpose of answer-dations, and other details connected therewith, and reing the argument of the gentleman from Illinois.

Mr. BEECHER here rose to say, that, if the gentleman from Illinois, (Mr. Cook,) would withdraw the amendment he had offered, he would meet his views by striking out that clause of the bill which goes to pledge the two per cent. fund.

Mr COOK signified his intention to do so, when he should have first replied to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. TRIMBLE.) The gentleman, said Mr. C. has presented certain supposed views of mine about the school fund in Illinois being diverted to canalling purposes, and represents me as being willing in that affair, to violate the compact of Illinois with the United States, although I contend, on this occasion, for its literal interpretation and fulfilment. Sir, this is so glaring an attack upon my understanding and consistency, that I cannot let it pass without reply. The gentleman has entirely misstated my proposition in relation to the school fund. I proposed merely to apply the school fund to the con. struction of a canal, and reimburse it out of the tolls, but I did not propose even this arrangement of mere convenience to be carried into effect without the consent of the state legislature first asked and obtained. I did not, therefore, contemplate the slightest violation of the compact.

He sets out in his argument with a fact of which I never had the good luck even to hear till he spoke of it,

The question was then put on striking out, and there rose in its favor 53, against it 47; which not amounting to a quorum of the House, and the Chairman being about again to put the question, on motion of Mr. BEECHER, the committee rose, and, having obtained leave to sit again,

The House adjourned.

IN SENATE.-THURSDAY, JAN. 13, 1825.
The following message was received from the Presi
dent of the United States, by Mr. Everett:
To the Senate of the United States:

questing also information of the measures which have been adopted for the suppression of piracy, and whether, in the opinion of the Executive, it will not be necessary to adopt other means for the accomplishment of the object; and, in that event, what other means it will be most advisable to recur to, I herewith transmit a report from the Secretary of State, and likewise a report from the Secretary of the Navy, with the documents referred to in each.

On the very important questions submitted to the Executive, as to the necessity of recurring to other more effectual means for the suppression of a practice so destructive of the lives and property of our citizens, I have to observe, that three expedients occur: one, by the pursuit of the offenders to the settled as well as the unsettled parts of the island from whence they issue; another, by reprisal on the property of the inhabitants; and a third, by the blockade of the ports of those islands.—It will be obvious that neither of these measures can be resorted to, in a spirit of amity with Spain, otherwise than in a firm belief that neither the government of Spain, nor the government of either of the islands, has the power to suppress that atrocious practice, and that the United States interpose their aid for the accomplishment of an object which is of equal importance to them as well as to us. Acting on this principle, the acts which justify this proceeding being universally known

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