Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the Boston's men. The committee returned shortly and reported that Mr. Stevens had said to them: "Gentlemen, the troops of the Boston land this afternoon at 5 o'clock, whether you are ready or not." The foregoing report of Mr. Stevens's reply to the committee is as near literal as can be remembered, and gives a correct idea of the meaning conveyed. The committee of safety adjourned to meet the same evening, at 7:30 o'clock, at the house of Henry Waterhouse, in Nuuanu Valley. The American troops landed at 5 o'clock, as Mr. Stevens had told the committee they would, and marched up Fort street to Merchant, and along Merchant street, halting in King street, between the palace and Government building.

At the time the men landed the town was perfectly quiet, business hours were about over, and the people-men, women, and children-were in the streets, and nothing unusual was to be seen except the landing of a formidable armed force with Gatling guns, evidently fully prepared to remain on shore for an indefinite length of time, as the men were supplied with double cartridge belts filled with ammunition, also haversacks and canteens, and were attended by a hospital corps with stretchers and medical supplies. The curiosity of the people on the streets was aroused, and the youngsters, more particularly, followed the troops to see what it was all about. Nobody seemed to know, so when the troops found quarters the populace dispersed, the most of them going to the band concert at the hotel, which was very fully attended, as it was a beautiful moonlight evening, all who were not in the secret still wondering at the military demonstration,

Mr. Speaker, the next act in the annexation scheme was easily and quickly presented. The United States soldiers being favorably stationed, on the next day, Tuesday, the 17th day of January, the committee of safety selected ten of their number to attendto the business. They, by different routes, between 1 and 2 o'clock in the afternoon, proceeded to the government building, which was unoccupied, to proclaim the new government; and an American citizen, who had only been in Honolulu nine months, read the proclamation from the steps of the government building, almost without hearers; but the United States marines, with rifles and artillery, were only 76 yards away. Within an hour after the proclamation was read United States Minister Stevens recognized the Provisional Government, although the barracks and the police station were still in possession of the Queen's forces.

The Queen, on being informed by one of the leaders and by members of her cabinet of what had been done in the presence of United States soldiers, yielded to the superior forces, and sent her protest to the Provisional Government and appealed to the United States Government for justice, as follows:

"I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the Constitution of the Hawaii an Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional Government of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have established a Provisional Government of and for this kingdom.

"That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America, whose minister plenipotentiary, His Excellency John L. Stevens, has caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared that he would support the said Provisional Government.

"Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss of life, I do under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield my authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its representatives and reinstate me in the authority which Í claim as the constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands. "Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.

"LILIUOKALANI, R. "SAMUEL PARKER, Minister of Foreign Affairs. "WM. H. CORNWELL,

"Minister of Finance.

"JNO. F. COLBURN,
"Minister of the Interior.
"A, P. PETERSON,

Attorney-General.”

A protectorate was declared by Minister Stevens of the islands in the name of the United States, and the flag of the United States was hoisted over the Government building, and in two days after the Provisional Government was declared, annexation commissioners sailed from Honolulu to Washington.

If there was ever a transaction that in all its attending circumstances was suspicious, illegal, and indicative of intrigue it was this annexation scheme. If there was ever a just and proper executive act it was the withdrawal from the Senate of the proposed annexation treaty by President Cleveland for further examination and consideration.

It has never been the practice of our Government to recognize revolutionary governments until they were supported by the people. For illustration of this practice, I need only refer to two recent cases. When the revolution in Brazil occurred in 1889, our Minister was instructed to recognize the Republic, "so soon as a majority of the people of Brazil should have signified their assent to its establishment and maintenance ;" and during the revolution in Chili in 1891, our Minister was directed to "recognize the new government if it was accepted by the people. Even in Europe, when it was proposed that the provinces of Savoy and Nice, which had for years belonged to the Italian Kingdom, should be ceded to France, it was expressly provided that the assent of the people should be obtained before annexation to France should occur, and under a plebescite a very full vote was polled, and a very large majority of the electors voted in each of the two provincs for annexation, before it was consummated.

When the constitutional government of Hawaiia was overthrown the citizens of Honolulu did not know what was transpiring, and the thousands of people who inhabit the other islands did not hear what had occurred until several days afterward; and it is known beyond doubt that a very large majority of the people of the Hawaiian Islands, having the right to vote under the constitution of 1887, never avored and do not now favor the Provisional Government or the proposed annexation ot the United States, nor to any other country.

This extraordinary summary makes conspicuous not a revolution, but a conspiracy. There was no evidence of a wide-spread discontent or dissatisfaction with the existing government, and there was no popular uprising against the head of the government. The people did not seem to be in the movement, and the public meeting which was held on the 16th of January was not to declare in favor of the provisional gov rnment, but to oppose the promulgation of the new constitution. In its inception, progress, and consummation the entire affair seems to have been a conspiracy on the part of a few for igners, against the people as well as the government of Hawaii, and in their work they were aided and supported by the American Minister and the naval forces of the United States, their object being to get possession of the government, and to annex the islands to the United States.

The conduct of Minister Stevens shows conspicuously that nearly one year before the eventful period when he hoisted the flag of the United States at Honolulu and proclaimed a protectorate, he was studying annexation quite as closely as he was diplomatic duty. As far back as the 8th day of March, 1892, in a letter addressed to the Secretary of State, after referring to the possibility that the existing Government of Hawaii might be overturned by an orderly and peaceful revolution, he said: "I desire to know how far the present Minister and naval commander may deviate from established international rules and precedents in the contingency indicated in the first part of this dispatch."

On the 19th day of November, 1892, about two months before the movement looking to the subversion of the Hawaiian Government was made, and annexation to the United States attempted, in a long letter to the Secretary of State he refers to the loss of the owners of sugar plantations and mills in the Hawaiian Islands, and the depreciation of other property caused by the passage of the McKinley bill, and declared as follows:

* * *

"Unless some positive measure of relief be granted, the depreciation of sugar property here will continue to go on. Wise, bold action of the United States will rescue the property holders from great loss. One of two courses seems absolutely necessary to be followed: Either bold and vigorous measures for annexation, or a 'customs union' and an ocean cable from the California coast to Hono

lulu or Pearl Harbor, properly ceded to the United States, with an implied but not necessarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands."

He reached his climax on the 1st day of February, 1893, when he wrote to the State Department:

"The Hawaiian pear is now fully ripe, and this is the golden hour for the United States to pluck it."

When Mr. Cleveland assumed for the second time his high office, he at once withdrew the proposed treaty of annexation and dispatched an able and trusted agent to Hawaii to ascertain and report the true history of the affair. Commissioner Blount was not slow in discovering the conspiracy by which the government of the Queen had been overthrown and the treacherous part taken by Minister Stevens. He ordered down the American flag, under the protection of which the conspirators were masquerading. Our national emblem does not stand for piracy, but for right and justice, and the act of Commissioner Blount in ordering it down when it had been raised for the first time in support of a conspiracy against a friendly but helpless power, was not only an act of patriotism but an example to the people of the civilized nations of the world of the greatness and grandeur of our republican institutions.

No more patriotic message was ever sent to Congress than that which President Cleveland, delivered when informing the two Houses of his action and the motives which influenced the same. He said:

"By an act of war, committed with the participation of a diplomatic representative of the United States and without authority of Congress, the Government of a feeble but friendly and confiding people has been overthrown. A substantial wrong has thus been done which a due regard for our national character as well as the rights of the injured people requires we should endeavor to repair. The provisional government has not ass imed a republican or other constitutional form, but has remained a mere executive council or oligarchy, set up without the assent of the people. It has not sought to find a permanent basis of popular support and has given no evidence of an intention to do so. Indeed, the representatives of that government assert that the people of Hawaii are unfit for popular government and frankly avow that they can be best ruled by arbitrary or despotic power.

"The law of nations is founded upon reason and justice, and the rules of conduct governing individual relations between citizens or subjects of a civilized state are equally applicable as between enlightened nations. The considerations that international law is without a court for its enforcement, and that obedience to its commands practically depends upon good faith, instead of upon the mandate of a superior tribunal, only give additional sanction to the law itself and brand any deliberate infraction of it not merely as a wrong but as a disgrace. A man of true honor protects the unwritten word which binds his conscience more scrupulously, if possible, than he does the bond a breach of which subjects him to legal liabilities; and the United States, in aiming to maintain itself as one of the most enlightened of nations, would do its citizens gross injustice if it applied to its international relations any other than a high standard of honor and morality, on that ground the United States can not properly be put in the position of countenancing a wrong after its commission any more than in that of consenting to it in advance. On that ground it can not allow itself to refuse to redress an injury inflicted through an abuse of power by officers clothed with its authority and wearing its uniform; and on the same ground, if a feeble but friendly state is in danger of being robbed of its independence and its sovereignty by a misuse of the name and power of the

United States, the United States can not fail to vindicate its honor and its sense of justice by an earnest effort to make all possible reparation.

“These principles apply to the present case with irresistible force when the special conditions of the Queen's surrender of her sovereignty are recalled. She surrendered not to the provisional government, but to the United States. She surrendered not absolutely and permanently, but temporarily and conditionally, until such time as the facts could be considered by the United States. Furthermore, the provisional government acquiesced in her surrender in that manner and on those terms, not only by tacit consent, but through the positive acts of some members of that government who urged her peaceable submission, not merely to avoid bloodshed, but because she could place implicit reliance upon the justice of the United States, and that the whole subject would be finally considered at Washington.” Contrast the uses to which our naval forces were put by Mr. Harrison's Administration and the policy which has been pursued since Mr. Cleveland was returned to power. During Mr. Harrison's they were pledged to defend and uphold the throne of a half savage King in a far off island; they were used to bolster up the waning cause of a Dictator, over a free people; and to overthrow a weak and defenseless government and set up an oligarchy in its stead.

Under the latter, in the harbors of Brazil, they were used to protect the commerce of the United States from interference and to preserve to the tradesmen of the civilized world the right to secure food and drink without molestation or harm Never was such homage paid to the Stars and Stripes as when the tradespeople of all nations sought its shelter and welcomed, with joy, its approach, when those of their own Government were within hailing distance and easy reach. At this time and in this work it ceased to be the flag of a nation aud became, what it really is, the emblem of civilization and humanity.

INDIAN SCHOOLS.

Appropriations for Same not Sectarian.

The efforts of the Republican party to rekindle the fires of religious fanaticism and make political capital out of the appropriations for the education of the Indian children at private schools upon reservations where no Government schools have been established, merits, and should receive, the rebuke of all fair minded citizens. A more praiseworthy work was never undertaken. The Republican party in the Fifty-first Congress made the same appropriations for which they now seek to prejudice certain elements against the Democratic party. The same appropriations were made in the Fifty-second Congress, not only without the opposition of Republicans, but with their hearty approval. In fact, no one ever thought of raising any opposition to the appropriations for contract schools until it was thought that some political capital might be made out of it. The reappearance of that religious intolerance and fanaticism which rises like a ghost every few years to haunt the fears of a few narrow and weak-minded persons, was seized by the Republican members of Congress as a favorable time to blow their demagogical horns, in the hopes of capturing a few votes. The effort to induce the people to believe that Congress made large appropriations for the support of sectarian schools is a deliberate 'alsehood. Not a single appropriation has ever been made to any sectarian institution. The items which it is sought to torture into such appropriations were simply appropriations of certain sums to enable the Secretary of the Interior and the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to contract with certain private individuals for the yearly schooling of a certain number of Indian children.

The following is the form of all the appropriations complained of :

'For education and support of one hundred Chippewa boys and girls at Saint John's University and at Saint Benedict's Academy, in Stearns County, State of Minnesota, at one hundred and fifty dollars each per annum, and for the education and support of one hundred Indian pupils at St. Paul's Industrial School at Clontarf, in the State of Minnesota, thirty thousand dollars.”

The Indians are the wards of the Nation, and the policy of educating their children so that they may be prepared for citizenship, which they soon must inevitably assume, is not only wise but should be highly commended. The policy of. taking the Indian children away from their homes in the far West and sending them to the East has not proven humane or beneficial. The establishment of schools at or near the reserva ions was much to be preferred because it puts an end to the fraudulent practices that were indulged in by the agents of Eastern schools in getting possession of the children, a d because of the civilizing influence upon the parents.

Mr. Holman touchingly pictured the cruel practice of tearing the Indian children from their parents and the benefits that would accrue by patronizing the schools that were nearest to their homes. He said: