which will be submitted to the conference that have aroused in connection with this subject a natural Democratic animosity to the methods and manipu letions of trusts and combinations.

I confess to sharing in this feeling; and yet it seems to me we ought, if possible, to sufficiently free ourselves from prejudice to enable us coolly to weigh the considerations which, in formulating tariff legislation, ought to guide our treatment of sugar as a taxable article. While no tenderness should be entertained for trusts, and while I am decidedly opposed to granting them, under the guise of tariff taxation, any opportunity tɔ further their peculiar methods, I suggest that we ought not to be driven away from the Democratic principle and policy which lead to the taxation of sugar by the fear, quite likely exaggerated, that in carrying out this principle and policy we may indirectly and inordinately encourage a combination of sugar refining interests. I know that in present conditions this is a delicate subject, and I appreciate the depth and strength of the feeling which its treatment has aroused.

I do not believe we should do evil that good may come, but it seems to me that we should not forget that our aim is the completion of a tariff bill, and that in taxing sugar for proper purposes and within reasonable bounds, whatever else may be said of our action, we are in no danger of running counter to Democratic principle. With all there is at stake there must be in the treatment of this article some ground upon which we are all willing to stand, where toleration and conciliation may be allowed to solve the problem without demanding the entire surrender of fixed and conscientious convictions.

I ought not to prolong this letter. If what I have written is unwelcome I beg you to believe in my good intentions.

In the conclusions of the conference touching the numerous items which will be considered, the people are not afraid that their interests will be neglected. They know that the general result, so far as these are concerned, will be to place home necessaries and comforts easier within their reach, and to insure better and surer compensation to those who toil.

You

We all know that a tariff covering all the varied interests and conditions of a country as vast as ours, must of necessity be largely the result of honorable adjustment and compromise. I expect very few of us can say when our measure is perfected that all the features are entirely as we would prefer. know how much I deprecated the incorporation in the proposed bill of the income-tax feature. In matters of this kind, however, which do not violate a fixed and recognized Democratic doctrine we are willing to defer to the judgment of a majority of our Democratic brethren. I think there is a general agreement that this is party duty.

This is more palpably apparent when we realize that the business of our country timidly stands and watches for the result of our efforts to perfect a

wise adjustment, and that a confiding people still trust in our hand their prosperity and well-being.

The Democracy of the land plead most earestly for the speedy completion of the tariff legislation which their Representatives have undertaken, but they demand not less earnestly that no stress of necessity shall tempt those they trust to the abandonment of Democratic principle.

Yours, very truly,

Hon. WILLIAM L. WILSON.

GROVER CLEVELAND.

THE PRESIDENT ON THE NEW LAW.

His Letter of August 27, 1894, to Hon. T. C. Catchings.

Hon. T. C. CATCHINGS.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, August 27, 1894.

MY DEAR SIR: Since the conversation I had with you and Mr. Clarke of Alabama a few days ago in regard to my action on the tariff bill now before me, I have given the subject further and most serious consideration. The result is I am more settled than ever in the determination to allow the bill to become a law without my signature.

When the formation of legislation which it was hoped would embody Democratic ideas of tariff reform was lately entered upon by the Congress, nothing was further from my anticipation than a result which I could not promptly and enthusiastically indorse.

It is, therefore, with a feeling of the utmost disappointment that I submit to a denial of this privilege.

I do not claim to be better than the masses of my party, nor do I wish to avoid any responsibility which, on account of the passage of this law, I ought to bear as a member of the Democratic organization. Neither will I permit myself to be separated from my party to such an extent as might be implied by my veto of tariff legislation, which, though disappointing, is still chargeable to Democratic effort. But there are provisions in this tariff bill which are not in the line with honest tariff reform, and it contains inconsistencies and crudities which ought not to appear in tariff laws or laws of any kind. Besides, there were, as you and I well know, incidents accompanying the passage of the bill through the Congress which made every sincere tariff reformer unhappy, while influences, surrounded it in its later stages and interfered with its final construction, which ought not to be recognized or tolerated in Democratic tariff reform counsels.

And yet, notwithstanding all its vicissitudes and all the bad treatment it received at the hands of pretended friends, it presents a vast improvement to existing conditions. It will certaintly lighten many tariff burdens that now rest heavily upon the people. It is not only a barrier against the return of mad protection, but it furnishes a vantage ground from which must be waged further aggressive operations against protected monopoly and governmental favoritism.

I take my place with the rank and file of the Democratic party who believe in tariff reform, and who know what it is, who refuse to accept the results embodied in this bill at the close of the war, who are not blinded to the fact that the livery of Democratic tariff reform has been stolen and worn in the service of Republican protection, and who have marked the places where the deadly light of treason has blasted the counsels of the brave in their hour of might.

The trusts and combinations—the communism of pelf-whose machinations have prevented us from reaching the success we deserved, should not be forgotten or forgiven. We shall recover from our astonishment at their exhibition of power, and if then the question is forced upon us whether they shall submit to the free legislative will of the people's representatives, or shall dictate the laws which the people must obey, we will accept and settle that issue as one involving the integrity and safety of American institutions.

I love the principles of true Democracy because they are founded in patriotism and upon justice and fairness toward all interests. I am proud of my party organization because it is conservatively sturdy and persistent in the en forcement of its principles. Therefore, I do not despair of the efforts made by the House of Representatives to supplement the bill already passed by further legislation, and to have engrafted upon it such modifications as will more nearly meet Democratic hopes and aspirations.

I cannot be mistaken as to the necessity of free raw materials as the foundation of logical and sensible tariff reform. The extent to which this is recognized in the legislation already secured is one of its encouraging and redeeming features, but it is vexatious to recall that while free coal and iron ore have been denied us, a recent letter of the Secretary of the Treasury discloses the fact that both might have been made free by the annual surrender of only about $700,000 of unnecessary revenue.

I am sure that there is a common habit of under-estimating the importance of free raw materials in tariff legislation, and of regarding them as only related to concessions to be made to our manufacturers. The truth is, their influence is so far reaching that, if disregarded, a complete and bereficent scheme of tariff reform cannot be successfully inaugurated.

When we give to our manufacturers free raw materials we unshackle American enterprises and ingenuity, and these will open the doors of foreign markets to the reception of our wares and give opportunity for the continuous and remunerative employment of American labor.

With materials cheapened by their freedom from tariff charges the cost of their product must be correspondingly cheapened. Thereupon justice and fairness to the consumer would demand that the manufacturers be obliged to submit to such a readjustment and modification of the tariff upon their finished goods as would secure to the people the benefit of the reduced cost of

their manufacture, and shield the consumer against the exaction of inordinate profits.

It will thus be seen that free raw materials and a just and fearless regulation and reduction of the tariff to meet the changed conditions would carry to every humble home in the land the blessings of increased comfort and cheaper living.

The millions of our countrymen who have fought bravely and well for tariff reform should be exhorted to continue the struggle, boldly challenging to open warfare and constantly guarding against treachery and half-heartedness

in their camp.

Tariff reform will not be settled until it is honestly and fairly settled in the interest and to the benefit of a patient and long-suffering people.

Yours very truly,

GROVER CLEVELAND.