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a new subject of outcry, a new chance of disorder, and they hailed with complacency the evil omen; they followed eagerly an opening path that seemed to lead towards chaos;-they count every agitation that may be worked up into tumult; abhorring nothing but tranquillity, allowing no breathingtime for humanity, that, wearied with long successive years of turbulence and convulsion, consents to call repose felicity. But the placid blessedness of ordinary life, when it flows in its calm and equal current, is hateful to those whose hopes are only buoyant amidst the disturbance of the tempest.

The period was now arrived, when England fixed her steadfast eye on the protestants of the south of France. The story of their persecution reached her ear. The feeling of their wrongs had penetrated her heart. In dignation beat high in every British bosom. Public meetings were called together. The various associations, which watch with wakeful jealousy over the civil and religious rights of mankind, expressed, in their addresses and declarations, all the energy of virtuous resentment, impatient for redress.

Englishmen wait not the tardy spur of government to goad them into action, when the tidings of religious persecution strike in their ear. They are at their post when danger menaces their brethren. They pause not to enquire against what form of worship or mode of faith religious persecution be directed, it is sufficient for them that this demon exercise its ravages. The followers of Calvin, and the professors of a less difficult faith, become the mutual guarantees of their common religious rights.

The high-toned and generous resolves, proceeding from the three denominations assembled in London, and which were reechoed by all other denominations, were not unheard in France. The French protestants, while they paid a just tribute to the upright intentions of their own government, in declining the proffered intervention, felt all its grandeur; it was rejected, but admired; it was discreetly repulsed, but enthusiastically applauded. This intervention was the calm commanding voice of a great people, lifted up against persecutors, and claiming kindred with the persecuted. Its sound in Paris was

noble and persuasive; and it glided over the south like that sacred harmony of the heavenly host, which spoke to the watch of shepherds" of peace and of good-will."

But it will be inquired, by present and by future times, Did the French government do all that it was possible to do, in order to crush the persecution of the protestants? It did all its position admitted. It exerted the full extent of its power, but its power was then feebleness; and some secret and evil influence rose between its purpose and its act. The French nation, at that period, was not placed in the ordinary situation of human affairs, when the machine of government moves steadily on, controlling the obstacles that oppose its progress. This is not the first example during the French revolution, of a deluded and ferocious populace taking all rule into their hands, and marking their momentary dominion by memorable horrors. The remembrance of the massacres of September, 1792, sometimes rises like an hideous spectre on the mind: they were committed by about fifty assasins, who went from the gates of one prison to another, with their bloody arms bared, and their sabres lifted up, ready to strike their victims as they appeared; while the people of this great capital, frozen with terror, stood aghast, in silent stupefaction, and suffered the work of murder to go on.

In England, the despondency of the friends of religious toleration was augmented, by the untimely and melancholy fate of its noblest champion, at a time when his exertions might have been of peculiar benefit to his country, and to Europe. The death of Mr. Whitbread excited a sensation of regret which attested the estimation in which he had been held, and the affection with which his memory was regarded. It was felt by every class, and every party, that his loss was irreparable; and the circumstances of his death were peculiarly awful and impressive.

Mr. Whitbread was the only son of Samuel Whitbread, esq. many years an eminent brewer in London, by his second wife, Mary, third daughter of earl Cornwallis, and was born in the year 1758. He was taught Eng lish and soine Latin at home, and was sent

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to Eton at a very early age. In that seminary he was contemporary with the late Mr. Lambton, M.P. for Durham, a promising young man, who died at a very early age; with Mr. Charles Grey, now earl Grey; and with several other distinguished characters, who have since filled eminent stations. Jonathan Davies, M. A. was the head-master; and for his private tutor he had Dr. George Heath, who, in 1791, succeeded the former, as head-master of the school.

From this celebrated seminary, with all the advantages which are likely to have been reaped under such able instructors, he repaired to the university of Oxford. He was entered first of Christ-church, but soon removed to St. John's; and, as he possessed none of those convenient pretensions which lead to academical honours without academical industry, it is fair to infer that the degree of A.B., which he took while there, proceeded entirely from his own merits.

After visiting many parts of his native country, Mr. Whitbread, at a proper period, was sent on his travels over the continent of Europe, under the care of the rev. Wm. Coxe, now vicar of Bremerton, and arch-deacon of Sarum, with whom he repaired to France; and, after visiting every thing remarkable there, as well as contemplating the vestiges of Helvetian liberty, he returned home, qualified to become a legislator in his native country. The tutor, some years afterwards, dedicated one of his works to his pupil in the following terms:-" To Samuel Whitbread, jun. esq. M.P. this third volume of Travels into Poland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, is inscribed, as a testimony of esteem and friendship."

Soon after his return from his travels, Mr. Whitbread, like his father, aspired to a seat in parliament. Their influence in Bedfordshire arose out of character and virtue, a reciprocity of good offices, and a liberal hospitality, afforded by the possession of large estates. These legitimate pretensions enabled Mr. Whitbread, in 1790, after a struggle of some duration, to represent the borough of Bedford. The numbers, at the conclusion of the poll, stood as follows:For Wm. Colhoun, esq.

616 Sam. Whitbread, jun. esq....... 601 John Payne, esq.

574

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Mr. Pitt was at that time premier, and he swayed the councils of the government with a degree of authority which had been exercised by no minister since the revolution.On great occasions he still affected to be the advocate of those early principles which had rendered him popular. His professions, however, were less warm, and his exertions equivocal; for while he employed his voice he denied his authority. That power which he would have exerted on the most trivial occasion, he exercised with constitutional scrupulosity whenever a reform in parliament, an abolition of the slave trade, or a repeal of the test laws, was proposed either by himself or others. Such was his regard for decorum on those occasions, that the dereliction of his dearest friends, or the lowest retainers of the treasury, never affected either the temper or the language of a statesman, who at other times was as irascible as eloquent.

He had hitherto founded his claims to applause on an economical system, but at this period he suddenly changed his principles and his views. As if fully determined on displaying his talent for war, he looked sometimes to the north, and sometimes to the south, of Europe; and, although he had lately announced the certainty of peace for many years, yet he now aimed at a contest with Spain, Russia, and France, in succession, and on light or groundless pretexts. The member for Bedford spoke for the first time on the Spanish aggression; but it was on the Russian armament that he first distinguished himself. The heads of the opposition had moved a resolution expressive of the impolicy of the armament; while the ministry had recurred to the previous question: de-. manding, at the same time, an entire reliance on the wisdom of the cabinet.

It is almost unnecessary to remark, that a divided opposition was beaten on this occasion by a confiding majority. Yet the former in the end triumphed; for, although the eyes of the ministry were shut to the evils of a Russian war, yet those of the nation were open; and the complaints of the commercial men poured in so thickly, in the form of petitions, that the folly of expending British blood and treasure about the possession of Oczakow became conspicuous. An ar

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HISTORY OF THE WAR.

mistice accordingly took place; and it was on that occasion that the empress Catharine requested and obtained the bust of Mr. Fox, whom she considered as the presiding genius who had hushed the storm of war.

As the ministers had deferred explanation during the struggle, and at its termination studiously avoided the subject, Mr. Whitbread, on the 29th of February 1792, moved, "That a committee of the whole house should take into consideration the papers on the table, respecting the late armament against Russia." On being seconded by Mr. Grey, the member for Bedford, after an eloquent speech of an hour's duration, moved his resolution:-"That no arrangement, respecting Oczakow and its district, appears to have been capable of affecting the political or commercial interests of this country, so as to justify any hostile interference, on the part of Great Britain, between Russia and the

Porte."

Earl Fitzwilliam, at the same time, called the attention of the other house to the same subject; but the minister, in both cases, triumphed, so far as the suffrages of large parliamentary majorities could be deemed a triumph. It was visible, however, that from this period he ceased to be popular, and was obliged to recur to the influence of numbers, instead of that of opinion, for support.

In the struggles of the minority in parliament, and of the people out of doors, to prevent the commencement of that series of wars which have now desolated Europe for twenty-five years, Mr. Whitbread was one of the small minority who rallied round Mr. Fox, and whose voice was always raised in the cause of liberty and humanity. To follow his career during this eventful period, and to give the most imperfect sketch of his speeches on various occasions, would far exceed our limits; they form part of the public and parliamentary history of the times, to which we refer the inquisitive reader.

In 1795 a considerable degree of scarcity prevailed, and the situation of the poor became truly deplorable. The hardships incident to labourers, tradesmen, and manufacturers, were referred to the consideration of the house by the member for Bedford, who observed, that the maximum, or highest ex

tent of wages to husbandmen was fixable by the magistrate, but not the minimum, or lowest, a circumstance which was productive of these hardships. Accordingly, a few days after this, he brought in a bill to authorise justices of the peace to regulate still further the price of labour at every quarter-session. On this occasion he was supported by Messrs. Fox, Jekyll, and Honeywood; and opposed by Messrs. Burdon, Buxton, Vansittart, and Pitt.

Mr. Whitbread, as well as the party with whom he acted, from the beginning, blamed the war with France, as impolitic and unneIt is not, therefore, surprising that cessary. they should seize on every opportunity to close the scene of blood; and we accordingly find that, when Buonaparte, on his return from Egypt, had overturned the authority of the directory, and supplied their power by a consulate, of which he was the organ, hopes were entertained of a speedy pacificaThe soldier of fortune was consetion. quently no sooner invested with the supreme power than he addressed a letter to the king of England, in which he evinced an ardent desire for the termination of hostilities. His majesty, however, was advised to treat this overture with contempt, but there were some who thought differently; and, when Mr. Dundas moved an address to compliment the throne, Feb. 3, 1800, the subject of this memoir made a most able speech, in which he contended that the war might have been avoided in the first instance; that, had it not been for the interference, the folly, and ambition, of the other powers of Europe, the French revolution would have had a very different result; that Buonaparte's letter to his majesty was full of good sense, equally. free from republican familiarity and courtly adulation; that, under our present circumstances, we ought not to refuse the proposals of the first consul for a general pacification; and that it was the interest of this country that a peace should be concluded as speedily as possible. speedily

Mr. Whitbread had by this time acquired a high character for talents and integrity, and was considered as only second to Mr. Fox in the house of commons. His exertions in the the house of commons. cause of his country, his large fortune, his

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