ral expressions. The others, those founded upon passages in the letter, were definitely quoted; and were in these terms: "I could not back and sustain those in such opposition

stantly arose, and rejoined—his rejoinder almost entirely directed to the personal part of the discussion, which from its beginning had been the absorbing part. Much stung by Mr. Calhoun's reply, who used the sword as well as the buck-in whose wisdom, firmness and patriotism I ler, and with a keen edge upon it, he was more animated and sarcastic in the rejoinder than in the first attack. Mr. Calhoun also rejoined instantly. A succession of brief and rapid rejoinders took place between them (chiefly omitted in this work), which seemed running to infinity, when Mr. Calhoun, satisfied with what he had done, pleasantly put an and to it by saying, he saw the senator from Kentucky was determined to have the last word; and he would yield it to him. Mr. Clay, in the same spirit, disclaimed that desire; and said no more. And thus the exciting debate terminated with more courtesy than that with which it had been conducted.

In all contests of this kind there is a feeling of violated decorum which makes each party solicitous to appear on the defensive, and for that purpose to throw the blame of commencing on the opposite side. Even the one that palpably throws the first stone is yet anxious to show that it was a defensive throw; or at least provoked by previous wrong. Mr. Clay had this feeling upon him, and knew that the onus of making out a defensive case fell upon him; and he lost no time in endeavoring to establish it. He placed his defence in the forepart of the attack. At the very outset of the personal part of his speech he attended to this essential preliminary, and found the justification, as he believed, in some expressions of Mr. Calhoun in his sub-treasury speech; and in a couple of passages in a letter he had written on a public occasion, after his return from the extra session -commonly called the Edgefield letter. In the speech he believed he found a reproach upon the patriotism of himself and friends in not following his (Mr. Calhoun's) "lead" in support of the administration financial and currency measures; and in the letter, an impeachment of the integrity and patriotism of himself and friends if they got into power; and also an avowal that his change of sides was for selfish considerations. The first reproach, that of lack of patriotism in not following Mr. Calhoun's lead, he found it hard to locate in any definite part of the speech; and had to rest it upon gene

had no reason to confide."-" It was clear, with our joint forces (whigs and nullifiers), we could utterly overthrow and demolish them; but it was not less clear that the victory would enure, not to us, but exclusively to the benefit of our allies, and their cause." These passages were much commented upon, especially in the rejoinders; and the whole letter produced by Mr. Calhoun, and the meaning claimed for them fully stated by him.

In the speeches for and against the crown we see Demosthenes answering what has not been found in the speech of Eschines: the same anomaly took place in this earnest debate, as reported between Mr. Clay and Mr. Calhoun. The latter answers much which is not found in the published speech to which he is replying. It gave rise to some remark between the speakers during the rejoinders. Mr. Calhoun said he was replying to the speech as spoken. Mr. Clay said it was printed under his supervision-as much as to say he sanctioned the omissions. The fact is, that with a commendable feeling, he had softened some parts, and omitted others; for that which is severe enough in speaking, becomes more so in writing; and its omission or softening is a tacit retraction, and honorable to the cool reflection which condemns what passion, or heat, had prompted. But Mr. Calhoun did not accept the favor: and, neither party desiring quarter, the one answered what had been dropt, and the other re-produced it, with interest. In his rejoinders, Mr. Clay supplied all that had been omitted-and made additions to it.

This contest between two eminent men, on a theatre so elevated, in which the stake to each was so great, and in which each did his best, conscious that the eye of the age and of posterity was upon him, was an event in itself, and in their lives. It abounded with exemplifications of all the different sorts of oratory of which each was master: on one side-declamation, impassioned eloquence, vehement invective, taunting sarcasm: on the other-close reasoning, chaste narrative, clear statement, keen retort. Two accessories of such contests (disrup

tions of friendships), were missing, and well- analytical mind of Mr. Calhoun, then one of the the pathetic and the virulent. There was no youngest members, immediately solved this crying, or blackguarding in it—nothing like the monster proposition into its constituent eleweeping scene between Fox and Burke, when ments; and his power of generalization and the heart overflowed with tenderness at the re- condensation, enabled him to express its charcollection of former love, now gone forever; nor acter in two words-lending our credit to the like the virulent one when the gall, overflowing bank for nothing, and borrowing it back at with bitterness, warned an ancient friend never six per cent. interest. As an alternative, and to return as a spy to the camp which he had not as a choice, he supported the national bank left as a deserter. that was chartered, after twice defeating the monster bank of fifty millions founded on paper; for that monster was twice presented to Congress, and twice repulsed. The last time it came as a currency measure-as a bank to create a national currency; and as such was referred to a select committee on national currency, of which Mr. Calhoun was chairman. He opposed it, and fell into the support of the bank which was chartered. Strange that in this search for a national bank, the currency of the constitution seemed to enter no one's head. The revival of the gold currency was never suggested; and in that oblivion of gold, and still hunting a substitute in paper, the men who put down the first national bank did their work much less effectually that those who put down the second one.

There were in the speeches of each some remarkable passages, such only as actors in the scenes could furnish, and which history will claim. Thus Mr. Clay gave some inside views of the concoction of the famous compromise act of 1833; which, so far as they go, correspond with the secret history of the same concoction as given in one of the chapters on that subject in the first volume of this work. Mr. Clay's speech is also remarkable for the declaration that the protective system, which he so long advocated, was never intended to be permanent: that its only design was to give temporary encouragement to infant manufactures: and that it had fulfilled its mission. Mr. Calhoun's speech was also remarkable for admitting the power, and the expediency of incidental protection, as it was called; and on this ground he justified The speech of each of these senators, so far as his support of the tariff of 1816—so much ob- they constitute the personal part of the debate, jected against him. He also gave his history of will be given in a chapter of its own: the rethe compromise of 1833, attributing it to the effi- joinders being brief, prompt, and responsive cacy of nullification and of the military attitude each to the other, will be put together in of South Carolina: which brought upon him the another chapter. The speeches of each, having relentless_sarcasm of Mr. Clay; and occasioned been carefully prepared and elaborated, may be his explanation of his support of a national considered as fair specimens of their speaking bank in 1816. He was chairman of the com- powers-the style of each different, but each a mittee which reported the charter for that bank, first class speaker in the branch of oratory to and gave it the support which carried it through; which he belonged. They may be read with with which he was reproached after he became profit by those who would wish to form an idea opposed to the bank. He explained the cir- of the style and power of these eminent orators. cumstances under which he gave that support- Manner, and all that is comprehended under the such as I had often heard him state in con- head of delivery, is a different attribute; and versation; and which always appeared to me to there Mr. Clay had an advantage, which is lost be sufficient to exempt him from reproach. At in transferring the speech to paper. Some of the same time (and what is but little known), Mr. Calhoun's characteristics of manner may be he had the merit of opposing, and probably of seen in these speeches. He eschewed the studdefeating, a far more dangerous bank-one of ied exordiums and perorations, once so much in fifty millions (equivalent to one hundred and vogue, and which the rhetorician's rules teach twenty millions now), and founded almost how to make. A few simple words to anwholly upon United States stocks-imposingly nounce the beginning, and the same to show recommended to Congress by the then secretary the ending of his speech, was about as much as of the Treasury, Mr. Alexander J. Dallas. The he did in that way; and in that departure from

custom he conformed to what was becoming in a business speech, as his generally were; and also to what was suitable to his own intellectual style of speaking. He also eschewed the trite, familiar, and unparliamentary mode (which of late has got into vogue) of referring to a senator as, "my friend," or, "the distinguished," or, "the eloquent," or, "the honorable," &c. He followed the written rule of parliamentary law; which is also the clear rule of propriety, and referred to the member by his sitting-place in the Senate, and the State from which he came. Thus: "the senator from Kentucky who sits farthest from me;" which was a sufficient designation to those present, while for the absent, and for posterity the name (Mr. Clay) would be put in brackets. He also addressed the body by the simple collective phrase, "senators;" and this was, not accident, or fancy, but system, resulting from convictions of propriety; and he would allow no reporter to alter it.

Mr. Calhoun laid great stress upon his speech in this debate, as being the vindication of his public life; and declared, in one of his replies to Mr. Clay, that he rested his public character upon it, and desired it to be read by those who would do him justice. In justice to him, and as being a vindication of several measures of his mentioned in this work, not approvingly, a place is here given to it.

This discussion between two eminent men, growing out of support and opposition to the leading measures of Mr. Van Buren's administration, indissolubly connects itself with the passage of those measures; and gives additional emphasis and distinction to the era of the crowning policy which separated bank and state-made the government the keeper of its own money-repulsed paper money from the federal treasury-filled the treasury to bursting with solid gold; and did more for the prosperity of the country than any set of measures from the foundation of the government.

CHAPTER XXVI.

DEBATE BETWEEN MR. CLAY AND MR. CAL

it

HOUN: MR. CLAY'S SPEECH EXTRACTS.

upon

"WHO, Mr. President, are the most conspicu-
ous of those who perseveringly pressed this
bill upon Congress and the American people?
Its drawer is the distinguished gentleman in
the white house not far off (Mr. VAN Buren);
its indorser is the distinguished senator from
South Carolina, here present. What the draw-
er thinks of the indorser, his cautious reserve
and stifled enmity prevent us from knowing.
But the frankness of the indorser has not left
us in the same ignorance with respect to his
the floor of the Senate. On an occasion
opinion of the drawer. He has often expressed
not very distant, denying him any of the noble
qualities of the royal beast of the forest, he at-
tributed to him those which belong to the most
crafty, most skulking, and the meanest of the
Mr. President, it is due to
myself to say, that I do not altogether share
quadruped tribe.
with the senator from South Carolina in this
opinion of the President of the United States.
I have always found him, in his manners and
deportment, civil, courteous, and gentlemanly;
and he dispenses, in the noble mansion which
he now occupies, one worthy the residence of
the chief magistrate of a great people, a gener-
ous and liberal hospitality. An acquaintance
with him of more than twenty years' duration
has inspired me with a respect for the man,
although, I regret to be compelled to say, I de-
test the magistrate.

"The eloquent senator from South Carolina
myself, in opposing this bill, was unpatriotic,
has intimated that the course of my friends and
and that we ought to have followed in his lead;
and, in a late letter of his, he has spoken of his
alliance with us, and of his motives for quitting
We united, if, indeed, there were any alliance in
it. I cannot admit the justice of his reproach.
the case, to restrain the enormous expansion of
executive power; to arrest the progress of cor-
ruption; to rebuke usurpation; and to drive
pel Brennus and his horde from Rome, who,
the Goths and Vandals from the capital; to ex-
when he threw his sword into the scale, to aug-
ment the ransom demanded from the mistress
of the world, showed his preference for gold;
that he was a hard-money chieftain. It was
by the much more valuable metal of iron that
he was driven from her gates. And how often
have we witnessed the senator from South
Carolina, with woful countenance, and in dole-
ful strains, pouring forth touching and mourn-
ful eloquence on the degeneracy of the times,
and the downward tendency of the republic?
Day after day, in the Senate, have we seen the

displays of his lofty and impassioned eloquence. party, I leave to be adjusted between themAlthough I shared largely with the senator in selves. his apprehension for the purity of our institutions, and the permanency of our civil liberty, disposed always to look at the brighter side of human affairs, I was sometimes inclined to hope that the vivid imagination of the senator had depicted the dangers by which we were encom-up in the air, Mr. President, either-not quite passed in somewhat stronger colors than they justified.

there was a clear majority of them demanding it. But the day may come, and I trust is not distant, when the will of the people must prevail in the councils of her own government; and when it does arrive, a bank will be established.

"The distinguished senator is no enemy to the banks; he merely thinks them injurious to the morals and industry of the country. He likes them very well, but he nevertheless believes that they levy a tax of twenty-five millions annually on the industry of the country! The "The senator from South Carolina reminds senator from South Carolina would do the banks us that we denounced the pet bank system; no harm; but they are deemed by him highly and so we did, and so we do. But does it injurious to the planting interest! According therefore follow that, bad as that system was, to him, they inflate prices, and the poor planter we must be driven into the acceptance of a sys- sells his productions for hard money, and has tem infinitely worse? He tells us that the bill to purchase his supplies at the swollen prices under consideration takes the public funds out produced by a paper medium. The senator tells of the hands of the Executive, and places them us that it has been only within a few days that in the hands of the law. It does no such thing. he has discovered that it is illegal to receive bank They are now without law, it is true, in the notes in payment of public dues. Does he think custody of the Executive; and the bill pro- that the usage of the government under all its poses by law to confirm them in that custody, administrations, and with every party in power, and to convey new and enormous powers of which has prevailed for nigh fifty years, ought control to the Executive over them. Every to be set aside by a novel theory of his, just custodary of the public funds provided by the dreamed into existence, even if it possess the bill is a creature of the Executive, dependent merit of ingenuity? The bill under consideraupon his breath, and subject to the same breath tion, which has been eulogized by the senator for removal, whenever the Executive-from as perfect in its structure and details, contains a caprice, from tyranny, or from party motives-provision that bank notes shall be received in shall choose to order it. What safety is there diminished proportions, during a term of six for the public money, if there were a hundred subordinate executive officers charged with its care, whilst the doctrine of the absolute unity of the whole executive power, promulgated by the last administration, and persisted in by this, remains unrevoked and unrebuked?

"Whilst the senator from South Carolina professes to be the friend of State banks, he has attacked the whole banking system of the United States. He is their friend; he only thinks they are all unconstitutional! Why? Because the coining power is possessed by the general government; and that coining power, he argues, was intended to supply a currency of the precious metals; but the State banks absorb the precious metals, and withdraw them from circulation, and, therefore, are in conflict with the coining power. That power, according to my view of it, is nothing but a naked authority to stamp certain pieces of the precious metals, in fixed proportions of alloy and pure metal prescribed by law; so that their exact value be known. When that office is performed, the power is functus officio; the money passes out of the mint, and becomes the lawful property of those who legally acquire it. They may do with it as they please,-throw it into the ocean, bury it in the earth, or melt it in a crucible, without violating any law. When it has once left the vaults of the mint, the law maker has nothing to do with it, but to protect it against those who attempt to debase or counterfeit, and, subsequently, to pass it as lawful money. In the sense in which the senator supposes banks to conflict with the coining power, foreign commerce, and especially our commerce with China, conflicts with it much more extensively.

years. He himself introduced the identical principle. It is the only part of the bill that is emphatically his. How, then, can he contend that it is unconstitutional to receive bank notes in payment of public dues? I appeal from himself to himself."

"The doctrine of the senator in 1816 was, as he now states it, that bank notes being in fact received by the executive, although contrary to law, it was constitutional to create a Bank of the United States. And in 1834, finding that bank which was constitutional in its inception, but had become unconstitutional in its progress, yet in existence, it was quite constitutional to propose, as the senator did, to continue it twelve years longer."

"The senator and I began our public career nearly together; we remained together throughout the war. We agreed as to a Bank of the United States-as to a protective tariff-as to internal improvements; and lately as to those arbitrary and violent measures which characterized the administration of General Jackson. No two men ever agreed better together in respect to important measures of public policy. We concur in nothing now."

CHAPTER XXVII.

DEBATE BETWEEN MR. CLAY AND MR. CAL-
HOUN: MR. CALHOUN'S SPEECH; EXTRACTS.

"I RISE to fulfil a promise I made some time since, to notice at my leisure the reply of the senator from Kentucky farthest from me [Mr.